Despite greatly diminished public interest in the upcoming general election compared to the fervour 20 years ago, the competitiveness of political parties has become increasingly noticeable as the polling date of November 7 draws near.
After the influential opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi took her decision to boycott the poll, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), the vehicle of the military clique that took power by coup, became the biggest contending party, with the largest number of candidates.
But there are grim factors to counter the USDP’s chances of winning the largest number of seats. Its image is still soiled in the public mind after (with the aid of their junta sponsors) brutally oppressing the opposition, seizing power by unjust means and for its failure to play any positive role in developing the country.
The USDP has very few good organisers. Its leaders claim no mass support and have no mass base and would be hard-pressed to clear their image as junta stooges after the infamous 2003 Depayin massacre and their members’ help in cracking down on the 2007 monk-led “saffron revolution”. Thus its candidates dare not mingle with the people in their canvassing work and carry it out within their own circles.
The embryonic party is using the state apparatus and ministerial resources in its promotional work, which is being carried out under the guise of development. It expects certain victory in the election while its junta sponsor restricts the movement and function of rivals by using the 2008 constitution and unfair electoral laws. Meanwhile, it is also dreaming that its junior party leaders will support it using all possible means to win the vote.
At the same time, the only party really challenging the military clique is the USDP’s “strategic ally”, the National Unity Party (NUP). While the former is fielding 1,134 candidates for all legislative bodies, the latter, once the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP), has become the second largest contending party with 980 candidates. Though the BSPP was crushed and abolished by the mass uprising of 1988, the political tiger that once ruled the country for 26 years still has some roar.
Moreover, judging by campaign speeches and manifestoes, it is abundantly clear that the USDP is unable to compete with the NUP’s experience and skill in policy matters.
While the USDP inherited the military clique’s infamous legacy of blatant human rights violations, and dare not use the phrase “human rights’ in its campaign speeches, the NUP bravely advocates fundamental rights that encompass political, economic and social justice. They also guarantee that “fundamental rights will include freedom of expression, freedom of association, freedom of religion, freedom of livelihood and freedom to settle in any place within the country in accordance with the constitution. Citizens shall be equal before the law and shall have equal opportunities”.
But the tone of NUP’s policies continue to reflect the 26 years of BSPP rule along with the rhetoric of socialist revolution. Its claims are still so overwhelmed with phrases and words such as “social justice”, “egalitarian” and “development” that Burmese must wait and see if the party can draw lessons from the historical blunders committed by its mentor, General Ne Win.
Speaking to USDP party candidates in Naypyidaw, general secretary Htay Oo roared the words, “We ought to win. We shall win”. Witnessing this level of commitment, fierce competition is expected in the near future. With the NUP and USDP as firm favourites to win the majority of seats in the legislative bodies, therefore constituting the main contenders, it will be interesting in the short term to see whether ethnic and democratic parties can forge an alliance with the NUP, the legacy of former dictator Ne Win.
Source:http://mizzima.com/edop/editorial/4478-will-democratic-and-ethnic-parties-forge-bloc-with-nup.html
After the influential opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi took her decision to boycott the poll, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), the vehicle of the military clique that took power by coup, became the biggest contending party, with the largest number of candidates.
But there are grim factors to counter the USDP’s chances of winning the largest number of seats. Its image is still soiled in the public mind after (with the aid of their junta sponsors) brutally oppressing the opposition, seizing power by unjust means and for its failure to play any positive role in developing the country.
The USDP has very few good organisers. Its leaders claim no mass support and have no mass base and would be hard-pressed to clear their image as junta stooges after the infamous 2003 Depayin massacre and their members’ help in cracking down on the 2007 monk-led “saffron revolution”. Thus its candidates dare not mingle with the people in their canvassing work and carry it out within their own circles.
The embryonic party is using the state apparatus and ministerial resources in its promotional work, which is being carried out under the guise of development. It expects certain victory in the election while its junta sponsor restricts the movement and function of rivals by using the 2008 constitution and unfair electoral laws. Meanwhile, it is also dreaming that its junior party leaders will support it using all possible means to win the vote.
At the same time, the only party really challenging the military clique is the USDP’s “strategic ally”, the National Unity Party (NUP). While the former is fielding 1,134 candidates for all legislative bodies, the latter, once the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP), has become the second largest contending party with 980 candidates. Though the BSPP was crushed and abolished by the mass uprising of 1988, the political tiger that once ruled the country for 26 years still has some roar.
Moreover, judging by campaign speeches and manifestoes, it is abundantly clear that the USDP is unable to compete with the NUP’s experience and skill in policy matters.
While the USDP inherited the military clique’s infamous legacy of blatant human rights violations, and dare not use the phrase “human rights’ in its campaign speeches, the NUP bravely advocates fundamental rights that encompass political, economic and social justice. They also guarantee that “fundamental rights will include freedom of expression, freedom of association, freedom of religion, freedom of livelihood and freedom to settle in any place within the country in accordance with the constitution. Citizens shall be equal before the law and shall have equal opportunities”.
But the tone of NUP’s policies continue to reflect the 26 years of BSPP rule along with the rhetoric of socialist revolution. Its claims are still so overwhelmed with phrases and words such as “social justice”, “egalitarian” and “development” that Burmese must wait and see if the party can draw lessons from the historical blunders committed by its mentor, General Ne Win.
Speaking to USDP party candidates in Naypyidaw, general secretary Htay Oo roared the words, “We ought to win. We shall win”. Witnessing this level of commitment, fierce competition is expected in the near future. With the NUP and USDP as firm favourites to win the majority of seats in the legislative bodies, therefore constituting the main contenders, it will be interesting in the short term to see whether ethnic and democratic parties can forge an alliance with the NUP, the legacy of former dictator Ne Win.
Source:http://mizzima.com/edop/editorial/4478-will-democratic-and-ethnic-parties-forge-bloc-with-nup.html
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