Friday October 7, 2011
Myanmar's VP heading to China to discuss dam row
YANGON, (Reuters): Myanmar's vice-president, Tin Aung Myint Oo, will visit China this month to discuss the suspension of a controversial dam built and financed by Chinese firms, a senior Myanmar official said on Friday.
"The visit is expected to take place in the middle of this month after President Thein Sein returns home from India on Oct. 15," the government official said, asking not to be identified since he was not authorised to talk to the media.
President Thein Sein is due to make his first state visit to India from Oct. 12 to 15.
The official purpose of the vice-president's visit to China is to attend the opening of a China-ASEAN Exposition from Oct. 21 to 26. "However, he will meet Chinese leaders on the sidelines of the Expo to explain the shelving of the Myitsone megadam," the government official said.
The Myitsone dam in northern Myanmar would have generated electricity mostly for China and flooded an area about the size of Singapore. It was opposed by many local people as well as environmentalists.
Bowing to their criticism, President Thein Sein suspended the project in a surprise move on Sept. 30.
China's Foreign Ministry has called for "friendly consultations" on the matter.
Lu Qizhou, general manager for China Power Investment Corp, a Chinese state-owned firm involved in the project, has warned of "immeasurable losses" for both sides and said the suspension could lead to a series of legal problems.
The halting of the controversial dam has been seen as another sign of change in Myanmar, where a nominally civilian government was installed this year after half a century of oppressive military rule.
The deal to build the dam was arranged under the military regime. Vice-President Tin Aung Myint Oo and former military ruler Than Shwe were reported to be backers of the dam.
Tin Aung Myint Oo will be accompanied on his visit to China by cabinet members, including a minister with responsibility for electric power, and leading business people, including Tun Myint Naing, chairman of Asia World Construction Co, a major subcontractor on the dam project.
Myanmar's VP heading to China to discuss dam row
YANGON, (Reuters): Myanmar's vice-president, Tin Aung Myint Oo, will visit China this month to discuss the suspension of a controversial dam built and financed by Chinese firms, a senior Myanmar official said on Friday.
"The visit is expected to take place in the middle of this month after President Thein Sein returns home from India on Oct. 15," the government official said, asking not to be identified since he was not authorised to talk to the media.
President Thein Sein is due to make his first state visit to India from Oct. 12 to 15.
The official purpose of the vice-president's visit to China is to attend the opening of a China-ASEAN Exposition from Oct. 21 to 26. "However, he will meet Chinese leaders on the sidelines of the Expo to explain the shelving of the Myitsone megadam," the government official said.
The Myitsone dam in northern Myanmar would have generated electricity mostly for China and flooded an area about the size of Singapore. It was opposed by many local people as well as environmentalists.
Bowing to their criticism, President Thein Sein suspended the project in a surprise move on Sept. 30.
China's Foreign Ministry has called for "friendly consultations" on the matter.
Lu Qizhou, general manager for China Power Investment Corp, a Chinese state-owned firm involved in the project, has warned of "immeasurable losses" for both sides and said the suspension could lead to a series of legal problems.
The halting of the controversial dam has been seen as another sign of change in Myanmar, where a nominally civilian government was installed this year after half a century of oppressive military rule.
The deal to build the dam was arranged under the military regime. Vice-President Tin Aung Myint Oo and former military ruler Than Shwe were reported to be backers of the dam.
Tin Aung Myint Oo will be accompanied on his visit to China by cabinet members, including a minister with responsibility for electric power, and leading business people, including Tun Myint Naing, chairman of Asia World Construction Co, a major subcontractor on the dam project.
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China paper defends Myanmar investment
By Michael Martina | Reuters – 10 hours ago
BEIJING (Reuters) - Chinese projects in Myanmar spur economic growth and guarantee environmental protection, Chinese state media said on Friday, defending infrastructure investment there from public opinion it said had been hijacked by foreign press.
Beijing has pressed for an "appropriate solution" after Myanmar shelved plans for the $3.6 billion Chinese-backed Myitsone dam, slammed by opponents for forced relocation of residents and environmental damage.
"In recent years, Chinese companies have been active in building Myanmar's economy and have provided large amounts of advanced technology and equipment," the ruling Communist Party's official newspaper, the People's Daily, said.
The paper said a network of hydroelectric dams relieved power shortages and that bridges built across the Irrawaddy River would improve transportation and promote development.
"Looking at public opinion in Myanmar, as some non-government organisations do not trust the government and have been influenced by foreign media, very few present positive information regarding Chinese investors..." it said.
Experts from the two countries, the article said, had found the environmental impact to be "rather small".
China Power Investment Corp, which had been building the Myitsone dam project, met the demands of Myanmar's government and used World Bank and Asian Development Bank environmental impact assessment standards, the report said.
It had spent more than $25 million resettling people on the upper reaches of the Irrawaddy, creating a model for local village construction, the paper said.
"The people of Myanmar have clearly not received full and accurate information ... especially in regard to Chinese investors' fulfillment of social obligations and contributions to local society," it said.
Economic relations between China and Myanmar -- formerly known as Burma -- are booming, with trade rising by more than half last year to $4.4 billion. China's investment in Myanmar reached $12.3 billion, according to Chinese data.
Myanmar, under comprehensive sanctions by Western countries for human rights issues, also sees Beijing as an important diplomatic ally. The People's Daily report lashed out at the United States and Europe for those sanctions.
"Because of U.S. and European sanctions, Myanmar has received the least international development aid among so-called most impoverished nations," it said.
By Michael Martina | Reuters – 10 hours ago
BEIJING (Reuters) - Chinese projects in Myanmar spur economic growth and guarantee environmental protection, Chinese state media said on Friday, defending infrastructure investment there from public opinion it said had been hijacked by foreign press.
Beijing has pressed for an "appropriate solution" after Myanmar shelved plans for the $3.6 billion Chinese-backed Myitsone dam, slammed by opponents for forced relocation of residents and environmental damage.
"In recent years, Chinese companies have been active in building Myanmar's economy and have provided large amounts of advanced technology and equipment," the ruling Communist Party's official newspaper, the People's Daily, said.
The paper said a network of hydroelectric dams relieved power shortages and that bridges built across the Irrawaddy River would improve transportation and promote development.
"Looking at public opinion in Myanmar, as some non-government organisations do not trust the government and have been influenced by foreign media, very few present positive information regarding Chinese investors..." it said.
Experts from the two countries, the article said, had found the environmental impact to be "rather small".
China Power Investment Corp, which had been building the Myitsone dam project, met the demands of Myanmar's government and used World Bank and Asian Development Bank environmental impact assessment standards, the report said.
It had spent more than $25 million resettling people on the upper reaches of the Irrawaddy, creating a model for local village construction, the paper said.
"The people of Myanmar have clearly not received full and accurate information ... especially in regard to Chinese investors' fulfillment of social obligations and contributions to local society," it said.
Economic relations between China and Myanmar -- formerly known as Burma -- are booming, with trade rising by more than half last year to $4.4 billion. China's investment in Myanmar reached $12.3 billion, according to Chinese data.
Myanmar, under comprehensive sanctions by Western countries for human rights issues, also sees Beijing as an important diplomatic ally. The People's Daily report lashed out at the United States and Europe for those sanctions.
"Because of U.S. and European sanctions, Myanmar has received the least international development aid among so-called most impoverished nations," it said.
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Thursday June 23, 2011
Afghan opium output hit by disease, Myanmar's up - UN
By Frederik Richter
BANGKOK (Reuters) - Global production of opium fell 38 percent in 2010 as plant disease hit crops in top producer Afghanistan, but output in number two producer Myanmar rose sharply, the United Nations said on Thursday.
In its annual World Drug Report, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) said heroin consumption has stabilized in Europe while cocaine consumption has declined in North America, which it described as "the most lucrative markets" for those drugs.
But there were worrying trends: a big increase in cocaine use in Europe and South America over the past decade, the recent expansion of heroin use in Africa and the increased abuse of synthetic "designer drugs" and prescription drugs in places.
Yury Fedotov, UNODC's executive director, noted in the report some progress in preventing drug use and said more should be done to promote "healthy and fulfilling alternatives" so that drug use was not accepted as a way of life.
"On the demand side, there is growing recognition that we must draw a line between criminals (drug traffickers) and their victims (drug users), and that treatment for drug use offers a far more effective cure than punishment," he added.
U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said in a speech at the report's launch in New York that drug addicts should not face discrimination but should receive medical aid and counselling.
"Drug addiction is a disease, not a crime," he said.
BLIGHT IN AFGHANISTAN
Various plant diseases combined to cut Afghanistan's opium production in half last year and UNODC said production could fall a little further in 2011.
The country accounted for 74 percent of global opium production in 2010, down from 88 percent in 2009.
Myanmar's share of global output hit 12 percent, up from 5 percent in 2007. The area under cultivation there fell by 21 percent to 185,900 hectares (459,400 acres) between 2007 and 2009 but it rose to 195,700 hectares last year, UNODC said.
The military rulers of the country formerly called Burma said in March that nearly one-sixth of the country's illicit opium crop had been destroyed.
A nominally civilian government has taken over since but the army still pulls the strings behind the scenes. Analysts say several top generals enjoy close ties with Burmese businessmen linked to the opium trade.
The global area under coca cultivation shrank in 2010, declining 6 percent to 149,100 hectares (368,000 acres). UNODC said cocaine production had fallen sharply in Colombia since 2007, which offset increases in Peru and Bolivia.
In 2009, the use of cocaine had substantially declined in North America, although the 5.7 million users there accounted for more than a third of all cocaine users worldwide.
"While there are stable or downward trends for heroin and cocaine use in major regions of consumption, this is being offset by increases in the use of synthetic and prescription drugs," it said.
"Non-medical use of prescription drugs is reportedly a growing health problem in a number of developed and developing countries."
UNODC estimated that between 3.3 percent and 6.1 percent of the world's population aged 15 to 64 used illicit drugs in 2009, the latest year for which data was available, with cannabis by far the most widely used substance.
The wide range reflected a lack of information from populous countries such as China and India, as well as from Africa, where consumption is on the rise, it said. Global seizures of ATS drugs (amphetamine-type stimulants) hit a record high in 2009, UNODC said.
"Africa is a region of concern with regard to the trafficking of ATS," it said, noting that West Africa was emerging as a new source of methamphetamine for markets in East Asia.
Afghan opium output hit by disease, Myanmar's up - UN
By Frederik Richter
BANGKOK (Reuters) - Global production of opium fell 38 percent in 2010 as plant disease hit crops in top producer Afghanistan, but output in number two producer Myanmar rose sharply, the United Nations said on Thursday.
In its annual World Drug Report, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) said heroin consumption has stabilized in Europe while cocaine consumption has declined in North America, which it described as "the most lucrative markets" for those drugs.
But there were worrying trends: a big increase in cocaine use in Europe and South America over the past decade, the recent expansion of heroin use in Africa and the increased abuse of synthetic "designer drugs" and prescription drugs in places.
Yury Fedotov, UNODC's executive director, noted in the report some progress in preventing drug use and said more should be done to promote "healthy and fulfilling alternatives" so that drug use was not accepted as a way of life.
"On the demand side, there is growing recognition that we must draw a line between criminals (drug traffickers) and their victims (drug users), and that treatment for drug use offers a far more effective cure than punishment," he added.
U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said in a speech at the report's launch in New York that drug addicts should not face discrimination but should receive medical aid and counselling.
"Drug addiction is a disease, not a crime," he said.
BLIGHT IN AFGHANISTAN
Various plant diseases combined to cut Afghanistan's opium production in half last year and UNODC said production could fall a little further in 2011.
The country accounted for 74 percent of global opium production in 2010, down from 88 percent in 2009.
Myanmar's share of global output hit 12 percent, up from 5 percent in 2007. The area under cultivation there fell by 21 percent to 185,900 hectares (459,400 acres) between 2007 and 2009 but it rose to 195,700 hectares last year, UNODC said.
The military rulers of the country formerly called Burma said in March that nearly one-sixth of the country's illicit opium crop had been destroyed.
A nominally civilian government has taken over since but the army still pulls the strings behind the scenes. Analysts say several top generals enjoy close ties with Burmese businessmen linked to the opium trade.
The global area under coca cultivation shrank in 2010, declining 6 percent to 149,100 hectares (368,000 acres). UNODC said cocaine production had fallen sharply in Colombia since 2007, which offset increases in Peru and Bolivia.
In 2009, the use of cocaine had substantially declined in North America, although the 5.7 million users there accounted for more than a third of all cocaine users worldwide.
"While there are stable or downward trends for heroin and cocaine use in major regions of consumption, this is being offset by increases in the use of synthetic and prescription drugs," it said.
"Non-medical use of prescription drugs is reportedly a growing health problem in a number of developed and developing countries."
UNODC estimated that between 3.3 percent and 6.1 percent of the world's population aged 15 to 64 used illicit drugs in 2009, the latest year for which data was available, with cannabis by far the most widely used substance.
The wide range reflected a lack of information from populous countries such as China and India, as well as from Africa, where consumption is on the rise, it said. Global seizures of ATS drugs (amphetamine-type stimulants) hit a record high in 2009, UNODC said.
"Africa is a region of concern with regard to the trafficking of ATS," it said, noting that West Africa was emerging as a new source of methamphetamine for markets in East Asia.
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Thailand seeks better ties with Myanmar
Published: Oct. 7, 2011 at 8:44 AM
MAE SOT, Thailand, Oct. 7 (UPI) -- Thailand's prime minister returned to Bangkok with a promise from the nominally civilian government in Myanmar to reopen a major border crossing soon.
However, no date was announced to reopen the crossing, which was closed by Myanmar in July 2010.
The border crossing -- one of two major road trading links between the countries -- connects the town of Mae Sot in Thailand with the Myawaddy district of Myanmar's troubled state of Karen.
The Friendship Bridge over the Moei River was constructed in 1997 and had been an important trade route for goods, both legal and illegal.
A Thai news agency report in July 2010 stated, the bridge was closed to protest Thailand's construction of a riverbank protection project, which Myanmar officials claimed diverts the river and is eroding the banks on the Myanmar side.
The bridge issue discussed during the one-day visit by Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra -- the country's first woman government leader -- has significance for relations between the countries.
Opening the crossing would signify improving relations that have been tense, thanks to Myanmar refugees crossing into Thailand fleeing fighting between Karen rebels and Myanmar security forces.
Thailand relies on Myanmar for natural gas and cheap labor, a report by the independent Myanmar newspaper the Irrawaddy, based in Thailand, said.
Yingluck's trip was to "foster close relations and cooperation" between the two countries both members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.
"High on the agenda are the opening of permanent border checkpoints, assistance to develop national and human resources, as well as boosting cooperation to jointly tackle border-related problems, including suppression of illicit drugs and illegal workers," the Irrawaddy report said.
During her trip, Yingluck met with Myanmar President Thein Sein, a former junta leader, and praised the country's progress in promoting democracy and reconciliation, the Thai News Agency reported.
She stressed her country's policy of not allowing armed groups to use its territory to launch an offensive against the Myanmar government, the report said.
She urged Myanmar to reopen the border checkpoint at Mae Sot to boost trade and other economic cooperation.
The Thai News Agency report quoted Sein as saying the process would be speeded up once bridge repairs are completed.
But the Irrawaddy report questioned how soon the bridge would reopen. It pointed to a report last month by Myanmar's state-run newspaper The New Light of Myanmar. Myanmar Commerce Minister Win Myint said that cross-border trade with Thailand would be resumed only when "factors contributing to border trade promotion" are in place.
The key factors include better security and transportation operations, a bilateral agreement on trade as well as better customs and banking services between the two countries.
Many low-paying jobs in Mae Sot's service industries, including factories, are filled by the thousands of illegal Myanmar migrants. The town also suffers from a black market in people trafficking and smuggling gems and narcotics.
Myanmar and Thailand could be on the verge of forming a new relationship after years of suspicion by Thailand of the militarily ruled and closed society of Myanmar whose junta clamped down on any political dissent against it decades-long rule.
But the new governments in both countries are looking for ways to engage neighboring countries, economically and politically.
Yingluck is a successful businesswoman but has little political experience. She worked in the family businesses, including Shinawatra Directories, and was appointed managing director of the telecommunications company AIS, then owned by her family, in 2002.
In the aftermath of Thailand's national election in July, she put together a coalition government between her Pheu Thai Party and four smaller parties, raising the number of government parliamentary seats to 299 out of 500.
She is trying to establish her credentials away from the shadow of her controversial older brother and former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, 61, who lives in self-imposed exile to escape a jail sentence on tax fraud.
Sein. 77, led the Union Solidarity and Development Party in the general election in November and was formally installed in March. The USDP is comprised of mainly retired military officers who resigned their posts to join the party and run as civilians.
Also, one-quarter of seats in Parliament are reserved for military appointments.
The military legacy dogs Myanmar's government as it embarks upon moves it says are designed to show it is on a road to democracy.
Published: Oct. 7, 2011 at 8:44 AM
MAE SOT, Thailand, Oct. 7 (UPI) -- Thailand's prime minister returned to Bangkok with a promise from the nominally civilian government in Myanmar to reopen a major border crossing soon.
However, no date was announced to reopen the crossing, which was closed by Myanmar in July 2010.
The border crossing -- one of two major road trading links between the countries -- connects the town of Mae Sot in Thailand with the Myawaddy district of Myanmar's troubled state of Karen.
The Friendship Bridge over the Moei River was constructed in 1997 and had been an important trade route for goods, both legal and illegal.
A Thai news agency report in July 2010 stated, the bridge was closed to protest Thailand's construction of a riverbank protection project, which Myanmar officials claimed diverts the river and is eroding the banks on the Myanmar side.
The bridge issue discussed during the one-day visit by Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra -- the country's first woman government leader -- has significance for relations between the countries.
Opening the crossing would signify improving relations that have been tense, thanks to Myanmar refugees crossing into Thailand fleeing fighting between Karen rebels and Myanmar security forces.
Thailand relies on Myanmar for natural gas and cheap labor, a report by the independent Myanmar newspaper the Irrawaddy, based in Thailand, said.
Yingluck's trip was to "foster close relations and cooperation" between the two countries both members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.
"High on the agenda are the opening of permanent border checkpoints, assistance to develop national and human resources, as well as boosting cooperation to jointly tackle border-related problems, including suppression of illicit drugs and illegal workers," the Irrawaddy report said.
During her trip, Yingluck met with Myanmar President Thein Sein, a former junta leader, and praised the country's progress in promoting democracy and reconciliation, the Thai News Agency reported.
She stressed her country's policy of not allowing armed groups to use its territory to launch an offensive against the Myanmar government, the report said.
She urged Myanmar to reopen the border checkpoint at Mae Sot to boost trade and other economic cooperation.
The Thai News Agency report quoted Sein as saying the process would be speeded up once bridge repairs are completed.
But the Irrawaddy report questioned how soon the bridge would reopen. It pointed to a report last month by Myanmar's state-run newspaper The New Light of Myanmar. Myanmar Commerce Minister Win Myint said that cross-border trade with Thailand would be resumed only when "factors contributing to border trade promotion" are in place.
The key factors include better security and transportation operations, a bilateral agreement on trade as well as better customs and banking services between the two countries.
Many low-paying jobs in Mae Sot's service industries, including factories, are filled by the thousands of illegal Myanmar migrants. The town also suffers from a black market in people trafficking and smuggling gems and narcotics.
Myanmar and Thailand could be on the verge of forming a new relationship after years of suspicion by Thailand of the militarily ruled and closed society of Myanmar whose junta clamped down on any political dissent against it decades-long rule.
But the new governments in both countries are looking for ways to engage neighboring countries, economically and politically.
Yingluck is a successful businesswoman but has little political experience. She worked in the family businesses, including Shinawatra Directories, and was appointed managing director of the telecommunications company AIS, then owned by her family, in 2002.
In the aftermath of Thailand's national election in July, she put together a coalition government between her Pheu Thai Party and four smaller parties, raising the number of government parliamentary seats to 299 out of 500.
She is trying to establish her credentials away from the shadow of her controversial older brother and former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, 61, who lives in self-imposed exile to escape a jail sentence on tax fraud.
Sein. 77, led the Union Solidarity and Development Party in the general election in November and was formally installed in March. The USDP is comprised of mainly retired military officers who resigned their posts to join the party and run as civilians.
Also, one-quarter of seats in Parliament are reserved for military appointments.
The military legacy dogs Myanmar's government as it embarks upon moves it says are designed to show it is on a road to democracy.
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Arrested Maoist duo wanted to set up camps in Myanmar
By Indo Asian News Service | IANS – 1 hour 30 minutes ago
New Delhi, Oct 7 (IANS) Two high-ranking Maoist guerrillas, arrested Sunday in the capital, wanted to set up joint training camps in Myanmar and were also working at forming a strong front in the northeast and in Jammu and Kashmir, police said Friday based on their interrogation.
The duo, who belonged to the outlawed People's Liberation Army (PLA), were identified as Arun Kumar Singh, 30, and N. Dilip Singh, 40. They were arrested from a hotel in central Delhi's Paharganj area on Oct 1.
While Dilip Singh is a 'SS Captain and chief of external affairs' in PLA, Arun Kumar Singh was serving as 'lieutenant' in the outfit, police said. The two belonged to Imphal in Manipur.
Police said they are also wanted in a case registered in Imphal for offences of waging war, abetment and raising funds for terrorist acts.
Three laptops, one CD, three mobile phones and incriminating documents have been recovered from them.
'The incriminating material and documents proved their affiliation with banned terrorist outfit People's Liberation Army (PLA). A case under appropriate sections of law under Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act has been registered,' said a senior police official.
Dilip Singh had come to Delhi from the northeast while Arun Kumar Singh had come from Pune where he was running a travel agency since 2008.
During interrogation, Dilip Singh revealed that he joined PLA in 1988 and rose to the rank of 'Captain' in 2009.
Arun Kumar joined PLA in 1997 as a 'Sepoy' and was 'commissioned in June 2011 to the rank of Lieutenant'.
'N. Dilip Singh imparted training twice in 2009 and 2010, in basic military tactics, guerrilla warfare and wireless communication skills to the Maoist cadre of Orissa, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka,' added the officer.
The duo was to provide such training programmes in 2012. They also provided weapons and communication equipment.
Crime Branch Pune had conducted a raid at the residence of Arun Kumar Singh in Pune from where it recovered his laptop and books containing incriminating material relating to Maoist ideology and books related to intelligence units of India.
'The recovered material has been brought to Delhi for further analysis. Further investigation of the case is in progress,' said the officer.
By Indo Asian News Service | IANS – 1 hour 30 minutes ago
New Delhi, Oct 7 (IANS) Two high-ranking Maoist guerrillas, arrested Sunday in the capital, wanted to set up joint training camps in Myanmar and were also working at forming a strong front in the northeast and in Jammu and Kashmir, police said Friday based on their interrogation.
The duo, who belonged to the outlawed People's Liberation Army (PLA), were identified as Arun Kumar Singh, 30, and N. Dilip Singh, 40. They were arrested from a hotel in central Delhi's Paharganj area on Oct 1.
While Dilip Singh is a 'SS Captain and chief of external affairs' in PLA, Arun Kumar Singh was serving as 'lieutenant' in the outfit, police said. The two belonged to Imphal in Manipur.
Police said they are also wanted in a case registered in Imphal for offences of waging war, abetment and raising funds for terrorist acts.
Three laptops, one CD, three mobile phones and incriminating documents have been recovered from them.
'The incriminating material and documents proved their affiliation with banned terrorist outfit People's Liberation Army (PLA). A case under appropriate sections of law under Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act has been registered,' said a senior police official.
Dilip Singh had come to Delhi from the northeast while Arun Kumar Singh had come from Pune where he was running a travel agency since 2008.
During interrogation, Dilip Singh revealed that he joined PLA in 1988 and rose to the rank of 'Captain' in 2009.
Arun Kumar joined PLA in 1997 as a 'Sepoy' and was 'commissioned in June 2011 to the rank of Lieutenant'.
'N. Dilip Singh imparted training twice in 2009 and 2010, in basic military tactics, guerrilla warfare and wireless communication skills to the Maoist cadre of Orissa, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka,' added the officer.
The duo was to provide such training programmes in 2012. They also provided weapons and communication equipment.
Crime Branch Pune had conducted a raid at the residence of Arun Kumar Singh in Pune from where it recovered his laptop and books containing incriminating material relating to Maoist ideology and books related to intelligence units of India.
'The recovered material has been brought to Delhi for further analysis. Further investigation of the case is in progress,' said the officer.
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Brisbane Times - US keen to improve ties with Burma
Steven Lee Myers, Thomas Fuller
October 7, 2011
WASHINGTON: The United States is considering a significant shift in its long-strained relationship with the autocratic government of Burma, including relaxing restrictions on financial assistance and taking other steps to encourage what senior US officials describe as startling political changes in the country.
The thawing, while in its early stages, follows a political transition in Burma after deeply flawed elections last year that nonetheless appears to have raised the possibility that the new government will ease its restrictions on basic freedoms and co-operate with the repressed opposition movement led by the Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.
The apparent shift offers the United States the chance to improve ties with a resource-rich south-east Asian country. Last week the new Burmese leadership unexpectedly halted work on a $3.6 billion dam project strongly backed by China, its main ally, prompting criticism from the Chinese government.
The new President, U Thein Sein, a former general who was part of the military junta that ruled the country for two decades, has signalled a sharp break from the centralised, erratic policies of the past. He is rewriting laws on taxes and property ownership and loosening restrictions on the media.
For the first time, the government has discussed with Aung San Suu Kyi and US officials the possibility of releasing hundreds of political prisoners, after years of denying there were any at all.
The Obama administration, although sceptical, has responded to this openness with a series of small diplomatic steps, hoping that a democratic transition could bring stability and economic opportunities at a time of increasing US competition with China over influence in Asia.
''They are moving into a more pluralistic form of government. I wouldn't call it totally democratic. But things are changing very rapidly,'' said Priscilla Clapp, the chief of mission at the US embassy in Burma from 1999 to 2002.
Steven Lee Myers, Thomas Fuller
October 7, 2011
WASHINGTON: The United States is considering a significant shift in its long-strained relationship with the autocratic government of Burma, including relaxing restrictions on financial assistance and taking other steps to encourage what senior US officials describe as startling political changes in the country.
The thawing, while in its early stages, follows a political transition in Burma after deeply flawed elections last year that nonetheless appears to have raised the possibility that the new government will ease its restrictions on basic freedoms and co-operate with the repressed opposition movement led by the Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.
The apparent shift offers the United States the chance to improve ties with a resource-rich south-east Asian country. Last week the new Burmese leadership unexpectedly halted work on a $3.6 billion dam project strongly backed by China, its main ally, prompting criticism from the Chinese government.
The new President, U Thein Sein, a former general who was part of the military junta that ruled the country for two decades, has signalled a sharp break from the centralised, erratic policies of the past. He is rewriting laws on taxes and property ownership and loosening restrictions on the media.
For the first time, the government has discussed with Aung San Suu Kyi and US officials the possibility of releasing hundreds of political prisoners, after years of denying there were any at all.
The Obama administration, although sceptical, has responded to this openness with a series of small diplomatic steps, hoping that a democratic transition could bring stability and economic opportunities at a time of increasing US competition with China over influence in Asia.
''They are moving into a more pluralistic form of government. I wouldn't call it totally democratic. But things are changing very rapidly,'' said Priscilla Clapp, the chief of mission at the US embassy in Burma from 1999 to 2002.
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The Nation - Cautious real-estate interest in Burma
October 7, 2011 10:42 am
Burma is on the cusp of a new beginning, according to global real-estate firm Colliers International.
It says that with a gradual opening and new pro-development economic policies due to come into force, the company's real-estate sector could be on a dramatic new course for growth.
The comments were in the first Yangon [Rangoon] property-market report from Colliers' Thailand office.
"You could say that the situation for investors is a bit like amber at a traffic light, with everybody ready to go after the sanctions are lifted and new investment laws are passed", said Colliers International Thailand's managing director Patima Jeerapaet.
He said land prices in prime locations such as Pyay Road and downtown Rangoon were achieving the same levels as those in the centre of Bangkok, in anticipation of an "opening up" in the near future. However he sounded a note of caution.
"We have been down this route before in this country, only to have the door closed, so there is some caution within the optimism", he said.
But with Burma slipping to the bottom of the Asean economic league - below both Laos and Cambodia - Patima believes there will be added impetus for reform.
"Myanmar was one of the richest countries in Asia in the fifties and there is a strong appetite within the country to realise its potential once again," he said.
According Colliers' associate director of research Tony Picon, the history of Burma over the past 20 years has significantly altered the way investors should think about real estate in Rangoon, the country's commercial centre.
"One example is that the most sought after and expensive units of an apartment block or condominium are on the ground floor, which is totally opposite to other countries - and for good reasons," he said.
In fact, the Burmese definition of what differentiates an apartment from a condominium is also unusual. "In Myanmar, a condominium has a lift whereas an apartment doesn’t, because there is no law defining actual strata title," Picon said.
The Rangoon office market is beginning to reach saturation point, with total supply limited to around 50,000 square metres, less than many individual office buildings in Bangkok. According to Colliers' senior manager of research Surachet Kongcheep, occupancy is 100 per cent in all but one of the buildings.
"There was no new supply for the whole of the last decade, but one new office building opened in 2010," Surachet said. "Many businesses and NGOs occupy space in residential units and some have taken up space in hotels and serviced apartments."
Both the hotel and serviced-apartment markets are now seeing very robust demand, mostly on the back of a surge in growth from tourists following the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and renewed interest from businesspeople.
Picon said hotels were turning people away because of increased demand and so little supply.
Next year will be critical for Burma as an investment law is expected to be passed that could lead to a pro-development growth model based on export-led manufacturing, he said.
"That is the only way that sustainable growth can occur - as has happened in Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos in the past 10 years or so."
Picon said gestures of reconciliation between the government and the opposition could become more tangible and eventually lead to an ending of sanctions. New finance regulations are planned that will bring the official rate of Burma's currency - the kyat - in line with the market rate and allow smoother operations in what is essentially a cash-based economy.
Picon sees the currency, investment law and sanctions as the three pillars keeping the traffic light on amber.
"Once these three are dealt with, the green light will appear, and although - like any emerging economy - the road will be difficult and with many obstacles, the country will soar and we hope the Yangon Property Report for 2021 will very different from that in 2011," he said.
October 7, 2011 10:42 am
Burma is on the cusp of a new beginning, according to global real-estate firm Colliers International.
It says that with a gradual opening and new pro-development economic policies due to come into force, the company's real-estate sector could be on a dramatic new course for growth.
The comments were in the first Yangon [Rangoon] property-market report from Colliers' Thailand office.
"You could say that the situation for investors is a bit like amber at a traffic light, with everybody ready to go after the sanctions are lifted and new investment laws are passed", said Colliers International Thailand's managing director Patima Jeerapaet.
He said land prices in prime locations such as Pyay Road and downtown Rangoon were achieving the same levels as those in the centre of Bangkok, in anticipation of an "opening up" in the near future. However he sounded a note of caution.
"We have been down this route before in this country, only to have the door closed, so there is some caution within the optimism", he said.
But with Burma slipping to the bottom of the Asean economic league - below both Laos and Cambodia - Patima believes there will be added impetus for reform.
"Myanmar was one of the richest countries in Asia in the fifties and there is a strong appetite within the country to realise its potential once again," he said.
According Colliers' associate director of research Tony Picon, the history of Burma over the past 20 years has significantly altered the way investors should think about real estate in Rangoon, the country's commercial centre.
"One example is that the most sought after and expensive units of an apartment block or condominium are on the ground floor, which is totally opposite to other countries - and for good reasons," he said.
In fact, the Burmese definition of what differentiates an apartment from a condominium is also unusual. "In Myanmar, a condominium has a lift whereas an apartment doesn’t, because there is no law defining actual strata title," Picon said.
The Rangoon office market is beginning to reach saturation point, with total supply limited to around 50,000 square metres, less than many individual office buildings in Bangkok. According to Colliers' senior manager of research Surachet Kongcheep, occupancy is 100 per cent in all but one of the buildings.
"There was no new supply for the whole of the last decade, but one new office building opened in 2010," Surachet said. "Many businesses and NGOs occupy space in residential units and some have taken up space in hotels and serviced apartments."
Both the hotel and serviced-apartment markets are now seeing very robust demand, mostly on the back of a surge in growth from tourists following the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and renewed interest from businesspeople.
Picon said hotels were turning people away because of increased demand and so little supply.
Next year will be critical for Burma as an investment law is expected to be passed that could lead to a pro-development growth model based on export-led manufacturing, he said.
"That is the only way that sustainable growth can occur - as has happened in Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos in the past 10 years or so."
Picon said gestures of reconciliation between the government and the opposition could become more tangible and eventually lead to an ending of sanctions. New finance regulations are planned that will bring the official rate of Burma's currency - the kyat - in line with the market rate and allow smoother operations in what is essentially a cash-based economy.
Picon sees the currency, investment law and sanctions as the three pillars keeping the traffic light on amber.
"Once these three are dealt with, the green light will appear, and although - like any emerging economy - the road will be difficult and with many obstacles, the country will soar and we hope the Yangon Property Report for 2021 will very different from that in 2011," he said.
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The Nation - editorial: Myitsone Dam: a new catalyst for reform in Burma?
October 6, 2011 7:14 pm
The decision to halt construction on a Chinese-funded dam is a brave move by Burma but it is not enough to prove that real reforms are underway
It must have taken a good deal of courage for Burmese President Thein Sein to come out recently and stop the construction of the Chinese-funded Myitsone Dam in Kachin State.
Like it or not, the decision was timely and hit all the right nerves for both Burma sceptics and supporters of the regime. Certainly it has raised the ire of the Chinese. If there has been anything at all positive in the past three months since the buzz began about "reform" in the pariah state, this is it. It is the most immediate and concrete sign of the Burmese government listening to any opinion other than its own.
This move will certainly win Thein Sein lots of support from local and international observers of Burma - something which he badly needs in order to fight against the hardliners within his own cabinet. Indeed, that might be what the Naypyidaw government wants people to think. Somehow, it might also want to see reform-minded lawmakers win the day.
But the international community has to remain cautious, even after this latest development. There have been many times in the past when the Burmese regime has cheated and betrayed its own people. To suggest that Burma has changed because of sudden political reforms and a new political system would be hard to believe, even for the most optimistic of observers. More action needs to be forthcoming, especially regarding the release of political prisoners, over 2,000 of whom still remain in custody.
Although nobody knows the exact number of political prisoners and how many "classifications" there are, it is clear that their freedom is another prerequisite before Burma can gain international support. Ongoing dialogue with the opposition leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, must continue and expand. At the moment, attempts are being made to undertake further ceasefire talks with the various armed minority groups in the border regions. There is an urgent need to bring these rebel groups to the negotiating table, but to do so, the Naypyidaw government must do more to appease these groups.
In this connection, Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa has already said he will visit Burma this month, but the date has not yet been set. He has said such things before, but he still has not visited Burma as the chair of Asean. It is thus imperative that he go there as soon as possible. But for him to go, he wants to see more positive signs from the regime beyond the current "road map". Otherwise, there is a possibility he will pass on this decision and let the incoming chair, Cambodia, carry the process forward if possible.
There is a high level of unease among the Indonesian leaders about Burma's overall attitude. Previous attempts, two years ago, between Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Burmese strongman, General Than Shwe, to communicate directly, did not work out as planned.
Obviously, at the moment, Burma needs Asean more than ever before. For the first time - after more than 14 years of membership in the regional grouping - it has shown willingness to work with Asean and the international community to improve Burma's image and promote reforms.
President Thein Sein realises now that there is a small window for him to assert himself locally and internationally. So, he must not miss the chance. If he succeeds, he will be the one who gets due recognition, as he is scheduled to meet all the leaders from Asean, the US, Russia, China, India, Australia, Japan and South Korea at the upcoming Bali summit. So, the stakes are very high for him as well as for Burma.
October 6, 2011 7:14 pm
The decision to halt construction on a Chinese-funded dam is a brave move by Burma but it is not enough to prove that real reforms are underway
It must have taken a good deal of courage for Burmese President Thein Sein to come out recently and stop the construction of the Chinese-funded Myitsone Dam in Kachin State.
Like it or not, the decision was timely and hit all the right nerves for both Burma sceptics and supporters of the regime. Certainly it has raised the ire of the Chinese. If there has been anything at all positive in the past three months since the buzz began about "reform" in the pariah state, this is it. It is the most immediate and concrete sign of the Burmese government listening to any opinion other than its own.
This move will certainly win Thein Sein lots of support from local and international observers of Burma - something which he badly needs in order to fight against the hardliners within his own cabinet. Indeed, that might be what the Naypyidaw government wants people to think. Somehow, it might also want to see reform-minded lawmakers win the day.
But the international community has to remain cautious, even after this latest development. There have been many times in the past when the Burmese regime has cheated and betrayed its own people. To suggest that Burma has changed because of sudden political reforms and a new political system would be hard to believe, even for the most optimistic of observers. More action needs to be forthcoming, especially regarding the release of political prisoners, over 2,000 of whom still remain in custody.
Although nobody knows the exact number of political prisoners and how many "classifications" there are, it is clear that their freedom is another prerequisite before Burma can gain international support. Ongoing dialogue with the opposition leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, must continue and expand. At the moment, attempts are being made to undertake further ceasefire talks with the various armed minority groups in the border regions. There is an urgent need to bring these rebel groups to the negotiating table, but to do so, the Naypyidaw government must do more to appease these groups.
In this connection, Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa has already said he will visit Burma this month, but the date has not yet been set. He has said such things before, but he still has not visited Burma as the chair of Asean. It is thus imperative that he go there as soon as possible. But for him to go, he wants to see more positive signs from the regime beyond the current "road map". Otherwise, there is a possibility he will pass on this decision and let the incoming chair, Cambodia, carry the process forward if possible.
There is a high level of unease among the Indonesian leaders about Burma's overall attitude. Previous attempts, two years ago, between Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Burmese strongman, General Than Shwe, to communicate directly, did not work out as planned.
Obviously, at the moment, Burma needs Asean more than ever before. For the first time - after more than 14 years of membership in the regional grouping - it has shown willingness to work with Asean and the international community to improve Burma's image and promote reforms.
President Thein Sein realises now that there is a small window for him to assert himself locally and internationally. So, he must not miss the chance. If he succeeds, he will be the one who gets due recognition, as he is scheduled to meet all the leaders from Asean, the US, Russia, China, India, Australia, Japan and South Korea at the upcoming Bali summit. So, the stakes are very high for him as well as for Burma.
***********************************************************
New York Times - Detecting a Thaw in Myanmar, U.S. Aims to Encourage Change
By STEVEN LEE MYERS and THOMAS FULLER
Published: October 6, 2011
WASHINGTON — The United States is considering a significant shift in its long-strained relationship with the autocratic government of Myanmar, including relaxing restrictions on financial assistance and taking other steps to encourage what senior American officials describe as startling political changes in the country.
The thawing, while in its early stages, follows a political transition in Myanmar after deeply flawed elections last year that nonetheless appears to have raised the possibility that the new government will ease its restrictions on basic freedoms and cooperate with the repressed opposition movement led by the Nobel laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
The new president, U Thein Sein, a former general who was part of the military junta that ruled the country for two decades, has in six months in office signaled a sharp break from the highly centralized and erratic policies of the past. Mr. Thein Sein’s government is now rewriting laws on taxes and property ownership, loosening restrictions on the media and even discussing the release of political prisoners.
The apparent shift offers the United States the chance to improve ties with a resource-rich Southeast Asian nation that after many years of semi-isolation counts neighboring China as its main ally. Last week, Myanmar’s new leadership unexpectedly halted work on a $3.6 billion dam strongly backed by China, prompting angry criticism from the Chinese government and the state-owned Chinese company that was building it.
The Obama administration, though skeptical, has responded to this new openness with a series of small diplomatic steps of its own, hoping that a democratic transition in Myanmar could bring stability and greater economic opportunities to the region at a time of increasing American competition with China over influence in Asia.
“We’re going to meet their action with action,” the administration’s newly appointed special envoy to Myanmar, Derek Mitchell, said in an interview. “If they take steps, we will take steps to demonstrate that we are supportive of the path to reform.” Mr. Mitchell spent five days last month in Myanmar, meeting with senior leaders in the government and opposition.
That visit was followed by two meetings in New York and Washington last week between senior State Department officials and Myanmar’s new foreign minister, U Wunna Maung Lwin.
Mr. Wunna Maung Lwin, whose travel in the United States is normally sharply restricted, was the first foreign minister from Myanmar invited to the State Department since the military junta took power.
The motivation for the changes has baffled American officials and others, but Myanmar appears eager to end its diplomatic isolation and rebuild a dysfunctional economy that has trapped the country’s population of 55 million people in poverty, which the government acknowledged for the first time in Mr. Thein Sein’s inaugural address in March.
Members of Mr. Thein Sein’s government have since met several times with Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi, who was released from years of house arrest last November and whose name was so demonized by the previous junta that it was typically whispered in public. She, too, has expressed cautious support for what appears to be a political opening.
The government has also for the first time discussed with her and American officials the possibility of releasing hundreds of political prisoners, after years of denying there were any at all. The government has even assembled a list of those it is considering releasing. About 600 people are on it, though opposition leaders and diplomats say that there are nearly 2,000 political prisoners listed in a database compiled by an organization in Thailand. “We told the government we cannot accept their list,” said U Win Tin, a founding member of the National League for Democracy, Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi’s party. “We gave that message to the government, but we don’t know yet whether they will change their list.”
Even so, the senior administration official said that the mere acknowledgment that Myanmar held political prisoners reflected a significant shift in the new government’s attitude. Signals like that, even if tentative, have begun to win over skeptics who have seen false dawns before in Myanmar.
“It’s very exciting,” said Priscilla A. Clapp, who was the chief of mission at the United States Embassy in Myanmar from 1999 to 2002. “They are moving into a more pluralistic form of government. I wouldn’t call it totally democratic. But things are changing very rapidly.”
By STEVEN LEE MYERS and THOMAS FULLER
Published: October 6, 2011
WASHINGTON — The United States is considering a significant shift in its long-strained relationship with the autocratic government of Myanmar, including relaxing restrictions on financial assistance and taking other steps to encourage what senior American officials describe as startling political changes in the country.
The thawing, while in its early stages, follows a political transition in Myanmar after deeply flawed elections last year that nonetheless appears to have raised the possibility that the new government will ease its restrictions on basic freedoms and cooperate with the repressed opposition movement led by the Nobel laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
The new president, U Thein Sein, a former general who was part of the military junta that ruled the country for two decades, has in six months in office signaled a sharp break from the highly centralized and erratic policies of the past. Mr. Thein Sein’s government is now rewriting laws on taxes and property ownership, loosening restrictions on the media and even discussing the release of political prisoners.
The apparent shift offers the United States the chance to improve ties with a resource-rich Southeast Asian nation that after many years of semi-isolation counts neighboring China as its main ally. Last week, Myanmar’s new leadership unexpectedly halted work on a $3.6 billion dam strongly backed by China, prompting angry criticism from the Chinese government and the state-owned Chinese company that was building it.
The Obama administration, though skeptical, has responded to this new openness with a series of small diplomatic steps of its own, hoping that a democratic transition in Myanmar could bring stability and greater economic opportunities to the region at a time of increasing American competition with China over influence in Asia.
“We’re going to meet their action with action,” the administration’s newly appointed special envoy to Myanmar, Derek Mitchell, said in an interview. “If they take steps, we will take steps to demonstrate that we are supportive of the path to reform.” Mr. Mitchell spent five days last month in Myanmar, meeting with senior leaders in the government and opposition.
That visit was followed by two meetings in New York and Washington last week between senior State Department officials and Myanmar’s new foreign minister, U Wunna Maung Lwin.
Mr. Wunna Maung Lwin, whose travel in the United States is normally sharply restricted, was the first foreign minister from Myanmar invited to the State Department since the military junta took power.
The motivation for the changes has baffled American officials and others, but Myanmar appears eager to end its diplomatic isolation and rebuild a dysfunctional economy that has trapped the country’s population of 55 million people in poverty, which the government acknowledged for the first time in Mr. Thein Sein’s inaugural address in March.
Members of Mr. Thein Sein’s government have since met several times with Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi, who was released from years of house arrest last November and whose name was so demonized by the previous junta that it was typically whispered in public. She, too, has expressed cautious support for what appears to be a political opening.
The government has also for the first time discussed with her and American officials the possibility of releasing hundreds of political prisoners, after years of denying there were any at all. The government has even assembled a list of those it is considering releasing. About 600 people are on it, though opposition leaders and diplomats say that there are nearly 2,000 political prisoners listed in a database compiled by an organization in Thailand. “We told the government we cannot accept their list,” said U Win Tin, a founding member of the National League for Democracy, Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi’s party. “We gave that message to the government, but we don’t know yet whether they will change their list.”
Even so, the senior administration official said that the mere acknowledgment that Myanmar held political prisoners reflected a significant shift in the new government’s attitude. Signals like that, even if tentative, have begun to win over skeptics who have seen false dawns before in Myanmar.
“It’s very exciting,” said Priscilla A. Clapp, who was the chief of mission at the United States Embassy in Myanmar from 1999 to 2002. “They are moving into a more pluralistic form of government. I wouldn’t call it totally democratic. But things are changing very rapidly.”
***********************************************************
Asian Correspondent - Thai PM Yingluck strengthens ties with Burma to renew border trade
By Zin Linn Oct 07, 2011 3:10PM UTC
At the invitation of Burma’s President Thein Sein, a delegation led by Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Thailand Ms. Yingluck Shinawatra arrived in Nay Pyi Taw on a goodwill visit to Burma (Myanmar) on October 5, the New Light of Myanmar highlighted in its editorial today. The president of Burma held a meeting with visiting Thai Prime Minister Ms. Yingluck Shinawatra and party at President’s Office in Nay Pyi Taw.
According to the government-owned New Light of Myanmar newspaper, Thai PM Ms. Yingluck discussed cooperation matters between the two countries, border affairs, border trade and future tasks for Burmese migrant workers in Thailand. The construction of the Thingannyinaung to Kawkareik road was also discussed.
President Thein Sein discussed cooperation between the two countries in the smooth implementation of Irrawaddy-Chao Phraya-Mekong Economic Cooperation Strategy (ACMECS) among Burma (Myanmar), Thailand, Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam, and promotion of trade and investment between the two countries.
Thailand has for decades served as a shelter for Burmese opposition activists fleeing political, ethnic and religious persecution. Border camps in Thailand hold an estimated 150,000 Burmese, thousands of them are unregistered. Another two to three million Burmese have slipped into Thailand proper to escape a shattered economy at home, providing low-cost labour for Thai businesses.
Thailand is so far Burma’s top foreign investor and depends on Burma for 20 percent of its electricity consumption, whilst importing a range of commodities from the military-run country.
A dispute between the two governments emerged in July 2010 after Burmese authorities closed their area of the Myawaddy passage, objecting to Thailand’s construction of a self-protective wall to prevent erosion on its side of the river.
The border trade and transport at the Mae Sot-Myawaddy border has been stopped since Burmese officials shut the border at the Thai-Burma Friendship Bridge across the Moei River and at over 20 cross-border trading ports since July 12, 2010.
During talks with Burma’s President, Ms. Yingluck urged mutual support to reopen the border checkpoint at Tak’s Mae Sot-Myawaddy as a way to improve trade and further economic cooperation. Ms. Yingluck also expressed Thailand’s policy of not letting any armed grouping to use its territory to launch any offensive against the Burmese government.
While Western countries have endorsed economic sanctions on Burma due to its deplorable human rights record, Asian countries like China, India and Thailand have established formal relationships and close economic ties.
By Zin Linn Oct 07, 2011 3:10PM UTC
At the invitation of Burma’s President Thein Sein, a delegation led by Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Thailand Ms. Yingluck Shinawatra arrived in Nay Pyi Taw on a goodwill visit to Burma (Myanmar) on October 5, the New Light of Myanmar highlighted in its editorial today. The president of Burma held a meeting with visiting Thai Prime Minister Ms. Yingluck Shinawatra and party at President’s Office in Nay Pyi Taw.
According to the government-owned New Light of Myanmar newspaper, Thai PM Ms. Yingluck discussed cooperation matters between the two countries, border affairs, border trade and future tasks for Burmese migrant workers in Thailand. The construction of the Thingannyinaung to Kawkareik road was also discussed.
President Thein Sein discussed cooperation between the two countries in the smooth implementation of Irrawaddy-Chao Phraya-Mekong Economic Cooperation Strategy (ACMECS) among Burma (Myanmar), Thailand, Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam, and promotion of trade and investment between the two countries.
Thailand has for decades served as a shelter for Burmese opposition activists fleeing political, ethnic and religious persecution. Border camps in Thailand hold an estimated 150,000 Burmese, thousands of them are unregistered. Another two to three million Burmese have slipped into Thailand proper to escape a shattered economy at home, providing low-cost labour for Thai businesses.
Thailand is so far Burma’s top foreign investor and depends on Burma for 20 percent of its electricity consumption, whilst importing a range of commodities from the military-run country.
A dispute between the two governments emerged in July 2010 after Burmese authorities closed their area of the Myawaddy passage, objecting to Thailand’s construction of a self-protective wall to prevent erosion on its side of the river.
The border trade and transport at the Mae Sot-Myawaddy border has been stopped since Burmese officials shut the border at the Thai-Burma Friendship Bridge across the Moei River and at over 20 cross-border trading ports since July 12, 2010.
During talks with Burma’s President, Ms. Yingluck urged mutual support to reopen the border checkpoint at Tak’s Mae Sot-Myawaddy as a way to improve trade and further economic cooperation. Ms. Yingluck also expressed Thailand’s policy of not letting any armed grouping to use its territory to launch any offensive against the Burmese government.
While Western countries have endorsed economic sanctions on Burma due to its deplorable human rights record, Asian countries like China, India and Thailand have established formal relationships and close economic ties.
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The Springfield News-Leader - Burmese rubies sent to Salvation Army
Anonymous gift mailed by donor from near Halfway.
5:22 AM, Oct. 7, 2011 |
The Salvation Army recently received an unusual donation in the mail -- two Burmese rubies.
The package, mailed by an anonymous donor who lives near Halfway, included a handwritten note. The donor asked that money from selling the stones be used to "help others in the name of Jesus Christ."
"We were very surprised when we opened it," said Audrey Esther, a spokeswoman for the Salvation Army.
Major Norman Grainger said the donation was unusual.
"Over the years, we've received other unusual donations, such as a diamond in a kettle, gold bands and gold coins, but I think this might top the list," Grainger said.
The Salvation Army had the rubies appraised by two businesses and plans to sell them as a pair. The two rubies have been appraised at approximately $1,000. For more information, or to inquire about purchasing them, call the Salvation Army at 417-862-5509, ext. 102.
American jewelers are banned from importing Burmese rubies, but the donor told the Salvation Army that the rubies were brought to the United States before the ban went into effect.
Anonymous gift mailed by donor from near Halfway.
5:22 AM, Oct. 7, 2011 |
The Salvation Army recently received an unusual donation in the mail -- two Burmese rubies.
The package, mailed by an anonymous donor who lives near Halfway, included a handwritten note. The donor asked that money from selling the stones be used to "help others in the name of Jesus Christ."
"We were very surprised when we opened it," said Audrey Esther, a spokeswoman for the Salvation Army.
Major Norman Grainger said the donation was unusual.
"Over the years, we've received other unusual donations, such as a diamond in a kettle, gold bands and gold coins, but I think this might top the list," Grainger said.
The Salvation Army had the rubies appraised by two businesses and plans to sell them as a pair. The two rubies have been appraised at approximately $1,000. For more information, or to inquire about purchasing them, call the Salvation Army at 417-862-5509, ext. 102.
American jewelers are banned from importing Burmese rubies, but the donor told the Salvation Army that the rubies were brought to the United States before the ban went into effect.
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Mail & Guardian - Burmese firm gets SA exploration right
CRAIG MCKUNE - Oct 07 2011 00:00
South Africa has handed an offshore petroleum exploration right to a company reportedly tied to the military junta that has ruled Burma brutally for nearly half a century.
The company, Silver Wave Energy, is pursuing other mineral concessions in South Africa, including access to petroleum deposits off the south coast and diamond and gold resources.
An opposing bid for the same concession was rejected during the same month that President Jacob Zuma received gifts, gems and artwork from Burma's ambassador to South Africa at the time, Tin Oo Lwin.
Two months later, Lwin gave both Zuma and Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe calendars and sculptures.
Silver Wave is registered in Singapore, but the Mail & Guardian understands a Burmese man, Min Min Aung, owns it. An employee at the company's office in Rangoon confirmed this.
Aung's relationship with Burma's generals is unclear, but it has been widely reported by campaigners and international media that Aung and his company are close to the junta.
Indeed, Silver Wave's history of access to Burma's large petroleum deposits makes it clear that it has a cosy relationship with the regime.
Favoured
The company was one of a handful favoured after the country began to relax its nationalisation policies in 2004. Before that, the state-owned Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (Moge) was responsible for Burma's exploration and production.
In 2006 and 2007, Silver Wave signed "production-sharing contracts" with Moge for two petroleum blocks there. In the first case it partnered with the Gas Authority of India to explore an area offshore of Burma.
At the time Silver Wave was reported to have been party to investment negotiations between Burma's energy minister and officials from the Russian state of Kalmykia.
Three months later Silver Wave and Moge signed another production-sharing contract, this time in partnership with Kalmykia, to explore for petroleum in Burma's Hukaung Valley.
Other significant beneficiaries of Burma's petroleum resources include another Russian company and four Chinese companies, three of them state-owned.
Russia, China and South Africa have something else in common besides the Burmese petroleum relations -- all three countries voted in 2007 to defeat a draft resolution before the United Nations Security Council calling for Burma to release political prisoners, respect human rights and embrace democracy.
Tugela Basin
The Petroleum Agency of South Africa (Pasa) awarded the exploration right to Silver Wave in May this year. The company will use sonar to explore for oil and gas deposits over an 8 000km2 area of the Tugela Basin, offshore of Durban and Richards Bay.
The company had applied for the concession as part of Pasa's gazetted 2009 licence round. The only opposing bidder was Pandreco, based in the United Kingdom, which applied for a "technical co-operation permit" instead of an exploration right.
Pandreco's bid was rejected in October 2009.
According to documents the M&G obtained using South African access to information legislation, the bid was rejected because an exploration right application trumped a technical co-operation permit "as it was provided in the bid document".
Silver Wave then completed its environmental management programme, and this was accepted in a record of decision signed by Pasa chief executive Mthozami Xiphu in September 2010, paving the way for the award.
Speaking to the M&G, Silver Wave director Lee Kong Lin said: "We own a couple of oil concessions in Australia, Myanmar [Burma] and South Africa."
They also owned a shipyard and a gold mine in Burma, he said.
'Very good relationships'
The company "came to know about the potential in South Africa" through a friend, who Lin declined to name. He said Silver Wave had "very good relationships with the government bodies" in South Africa, but were not "politically involved". He said a "private citizen" owned Silver Wave, but would not disclose the name or nationality.
However, an employee at the company's Rangoon office, whose identity is known to the M&G, confirmed Min Min Aung "is the 100% owner". He added: "We are going to get more blocks in South Africa."
Xiphu denied any political influence in Silver Wave being awarded the exploration right and he said the agency had not been aware of the Burma link.
He confirmed that Silver Wave had "expressed interest in available acreage on our south coast. They are certainly interested in investing more in SA."
In an email, apparently sent to the M&G in error, Lin asked eagerly for "excellent contacts" in South African diamond and gold operations, "other mineral resources" and "oil/gas concessions in Chad and other countries in Africa".
He did not respond to questions about this.
Neither Zuma nor the embassy responded to queries.
Motlanthe's spokesperson said: "Motlanthe never sought to influence the adjudication process.
Suu Kyi pays tribute to SA's 'great men'
South Africans had a rare chance to meet Burma's iconic Nobel laureate, Aung San Suu Kyi, on Monday this week -- even though a shaky internet video link made conversation difficult.
Speaking from Rangoon, Suu Kyi told an audience of journalists, academics and activists at the University of Johannesburg that they should "keep an eye" on Burma's new government.
With her trademark blend of grace and rigour she urged the South African government to take a stronger lead in condemning on-going human rights abuses in her country. She reminded her audience that there were still at least 1300 political prisoners in Burma, adding that in a "genuine democracy" even one activist behind bars was "one too many".
Amnesty International's 2011 report on Burma details horrifying conditions in the country's prisons, where medical facilities are minimal. Not all Burma's prisoners of conscience are "political". Some are journalists, accused of reporting for "foreign" and exile media groups. Others are health and human rights workers. There is also Zaganar, the country's most famous comedian, who was sentenced to a 35-year jail term for criticising the government's handling of the Cyclone Nargis disaster in 2008.
Recent reports suggest that the country's quasi-civilian government may be about to release some pro-democracy activists and journalists. But seasoned Burma-watchers are not optimistic.
Until her own release last November, Suu Kyi spent 15 of 22 years under house arrest.
But Suu Kyi's mood on Monday evening was upbeat. She spoke of her love for South Africa, and how the country had been "an inspiration" during her long years of house arrest. She hoped to come and visit in person one day, she said.
That might not happen any time soon. The authorities have never tried to prevent her from leaving Burma, but the unspoken threat is that they would not allow her to return.
Members of the audience, some choking with emotion, described the event as "historic". They included Suu Kyi's cousin, Sein Win, who is based in the United States and is Burma's prime minister in exile.
The two last met in 1989.
"She is in strong spirit," he said.
On Tuesday, Sein Win accepted an honorary degree from the University of Johannesburg on behalf of his cousin.
In a pre-recorded acceptance speech, met with a standing ovation, Suu Kyi paid tribute to South Africa's "great men" -- Nelson Mandela and Archbishop Desmond Tutu.
"The people of Burma want peace. They want freedom. They want security. They want reconciliation. All these, you have taught us, we can achieve through courage and endeavour," she said.
CRAIG MCKUNE - Oct 07 2011 00:00
South Africa has handed an offshore petroleum exploration right to a company reportedly tied to the military junta that has ruled Burma brutally for nearly half a century.
The company, Silver Wave Energy, is pursuing other mineral concessions in South Africa, including access to petroleum deposits off the south coast and diamond and gold resources.
An opposing bid for the same concession was rejected during the same month that President Jacob Zuma received gifts, gems and artwork from Burma's ambassador to South Africa at the time, Tin Oo Lwin.
Two months later, Lwin gave both Zuma and Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe calendars and sculptures.
Silver Wave is registered in Singapore, but the Mail & Guardian understands a Burmese man, Min Min Aung, owns it. An employee at the company's office in Rangoon confirmed this.
Aung's relationship with Burma's generals is unclear, but it has been widely reported by campaigners and international media that Aung and his company are close to the junta.
Indeed, Silver Wave's history of access to Burma's large petroleum deposits makes it clear that it has a cosy relationship with the regime.
Favoured
The company was one of a handful favoured after the country began to relax its nationalisation policies in 2004. Before that, the state-owned Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (Moge) was responsible for Burma's exploration and production.
In 2006 and 2007, Silver Wave signed "production-sharing contracts" with Moge for two petroleum blocks there. In the first case it partnered with the Gas Authority of India to explore an area offshore of Burma.
At the time Silver Wave was reported to have been party to investment negotiations between Burma's energy minister and officials from the Russian state of Kalmykia.
Three months later Silver Wave and Moge signed another production-sharing contract, this time in partnership with Kalmykia, to explore for petroleum in Burma's Hukaung Valley.
Other significant beneficiaries of Burma's petroleum resources include another Russian company and four Chinese companies, three of them state-owned.
Russia, China and South Africa have something else in common besides the Burmese petroleum relations -- all three countries voted in 2007 to defeat a draft resolution before the United Nations Security Council calling for Burma to release political prisoners, respect human rights and embrace democracy.
Tugela Basin
The Petroleum Agency of South Africa (Pasa) awarded the exploration right to Silver Wave in May this year. The company will use sonar to explore for oil and gas deposits over an 8 000km2 area of the Tugela Basin, offshore of Durban and Richards Bay.
The company had applied for the concession as part of Pasa's gazetted 2009 licence round. The only opposing bidder was Pandreco, based in the United Kingdom, which applied for a "technical co-operation permit" instead of an exploration right.
Pandreco's bid was rejected in October 2009.
According to documents the M&G obtained using South African access to information legislation, the bid was rejected because an exploration right application trumped a technical co-operation permit "as it was provided in the bid document".
Silver Wave then completed its environmental management programme, and this was accepted in a record of decision signed by Pasa chief executive Mthozami Xiphu in September 2010, paving the way for the award.
Speaking to the M&G, Silver Wave director Lee Kong Lin said: "We own a couple of oil concessions in Australia, Myanmar [Burma] and South Africa."
They also owned a shipyard and a gold mine in Burma, he said.
'Very good relationships'
The company "came to know about the potential in South Africa" through a friend, who Lin declined to name. He said Silver Wave had "very good relationships with the government bodies" in South Africa, but were not "politically involved". He said a "private citizen" owned Silver Wave, but would not disclose the name or nationality.
However, an employee at the company's Rangoon office, whose identity is known to the M&G, confirmed Min Min Aung "is the 100% owner". He added: "We are going to get more blocks in South Africa."
Xiphu denied any political influence in Silver Wave being awarded the exploration right and he said the agency had not been aware of the Burma link.
He confirmed that Silver Wave had "expressed interest in available acreage on our south coast. They are certainly interested in investing more in SA."
In an email, apparently sent to the M&G in error, Lin asked eagerly for "excellent contacts" in South African diamond and gold operations, "other mineral resources" and "oil/gas concessions in Chad and other countries in Africa".
He did not respond to questions about this.
Neither Zuma nor the embassy responded to queries.
Motlanthe's spokesperson said: "Motlanthe never sought to influence the adjudication process.
Suu Kyi pays tribute to SA's 'great men'
South Africans had a rare chance to meet Burma's iconic Nobel laureate, Aung San Suu Kyi, on Monday this week -- even though a shaky internet video link made conversation difficult.
Speaking from Rangoon, Suu Kyi told an audience of journalists, academics and activists at the University of Johannesburg that they should "keep an eye" on Burma's new government.
With her trademark blend of grace and rigour she urged the South African government to take a stronger lead in condemning on-going human rights abuses in her country. She reminded her audience that there were still at least 1300 political prisoners in Burma, adding that in a "genuine democracy" even one activist behind bars was "one too many".
Amnesty International's 2011 report on Burma details horrifying conditions in the country's prisons, where medical facilities are minimal. Not all Burma's prisoners of conscience are "political". Some are journalists, accused of reporting for "foreign" and exile media groups. Others are health and human rights workers. There is also Zaganar, the country's most famous comedian, who was sentenced to a 35-year jail term for criticising the government's handling of the Cyclone Nargis disaster in 2008.
Recent reports suggest that the country's quasi-civilian government may be about to release some pro-democracy activists and journalists. But seasoned Burma-watchers are not optimistic.
Until her own release last November, Suu Kyi spent 15 of 22 years under house arrest.
But Suu Kyi's mood on Monday evening was upbeat. She spoke of her love for South Africa, and how the country had been "an inspiration" during her long years of house arrest. She hoped to come and visit in person one day, she said.
That might not happen any time soon. The authorities have never tried to prevent her from leaving Burma, but the unspoken threat is that they would not allow her to return.
Members of the audience, some choking with emotion, described the event as "historic". They included Suu Kyi's cousin, Sein Win, who is based in the United States and is Burma's prime minister in exile.
The two last met in 1989.
"She is in strong spirit," he said.
On Tuesday, Sein Win accepted an honorary degree from the University of Johannesburg on behalf of his cousin.
In a pre-recorded acceptance speech, met with a standing ovation, Suu Kyi paid tribute to South Africa's "great men" -- Nelson Mandela and Archbishop Desmond Tutu.
"The people of Burma want peace. They want freedom. They want security. They want reconciliation. All these, you have taught us, we can achieve through courage and endeavour," she said.
***********************************************************
Politics in Myanmar
The Economist - A change to believe in?
Mounting evidence that the new government in Yangon is serious about reform
Oct 8th 2011 | BANGKOK | from the print edition
THESE days, very few countries dare to offend China, however rich and powerful they may be. Yet that is exactly what one of the world’s poorest countries did on September 30th. The government of Myanmar said it was suspending the construction of an enormous $3.6 billion Chinese-backed dam on the River Irrawaddy in the north of the country.
It was an audacious decision. China is Myanmar’s closest strategic ally, nearest neighbour and biggest investor. Yet the Chinese, who had expected to receive almost all the hydroelectric power generated by the Myitsone dam, were not told in advance. Indeed, they were not even consulted. Lu Qizhou, the head of China Power Investment, which was the lead company on the dam, confessed afterwards that he had only learned of Myanmar’s decision through media reports and that he was “totally astonished”.
There could be no stronger signal that Myanmar’s new quasi-civilian government is determined to do things differently, and is willing to take risks in doing so. There had been strong opposition to the dam from environmentalists and local Kachin people (thousands of whom were being displaced to make way for it) as well as from Aung San Suu Kyi, the de facto leader of the opposition, and her supporters. The previous military government of Than Shwe, which started the project five years ago, would surely have ploughed on regardless.
But the new president, Thein Sein, who took over in March, said that he had decided that the dam was against the will of the people. The Chinese, apparently, will just have to lump it.
The move is particularly significant as it comes after a flurry of other conciliatory gestures that the government has been making towards opposition leaders over the past few months. Even sceptical and hard-nosed Western diplomats and analysts have been surprised by the pace of change. All in all, some observers feel that, for the first time in decades, Myanmar may at last be at a real point of transformation.
In August, Ms Suu Kyi, Nobel peace laureate and the leader of the banned opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), was invited to several meetings with government ministers, including an unprecedented one with the new president himself. Having herself been released from years of house arrest only in November 2010, she says that she is convinced that Thein Sein genuinely wants to move towards a more democratic system of government. The only question is how far he wants to go.
Other recent reforms also suggest that the government is moving in a new direction. Press censorship has been relaxed. Some previously blocked websites are now reachable and a few foreign journalists have been let in to the normally secretive country on official visas. At the end of September the government passed a law allowing the establishment of trade unions. The labour ministry consulted the International Labour Organisation (ILO) on the legislation to ensure that it was up to international standards. Allowing trade unions was a
“momentous policy decision” commented Steve Marshall, the ILO’s official in Myanmar.
Even more momentous would be a release of political prisoners, especially those NLD members incarcerated after their party won the 1990 election, the results of which the government did not recognise. Diplomats in Yangon confirm that a release of some or all of the prisoners is now under consideration, and could even be imminent.
The release of prisoners has been one of Ms Suu Kyi’s main demands before she agrees to help normalise politics in Myanmar. Such a release would completely transform the political landscape. It might even lead to talks about the NLD’s joining the political process. The party was banned in 2010 when it refused to participate in what it had denounced as flawed national elections.
A political “normalisation” would put pressure on America and the European Union to start relaxing sanctions against Myanmar. They were imposed in the mid-1990s as a punishment for the regime’s assault on the NLD and its other opponents. The Myanmar government desperately wants them lifted, aware of how impoverished the country has become compared with the rest of the region. The nation’s leaders also may want the West to come back in order to balance the influence of China, which has had virtually free rein to exploit Myanmar’s vast natural resources. This was probably a factor in the Myitsone dam decision. The Chinese may be useful, but they are not universally popular in Myanmar.
After decades of heavy-handed military repression, many are still cautious about the government’s true intentions, remembering that until recently Thein Sein and his ilk were still in uniform. A priest living near the site of the dam, who campaigned against it for years, says that he had been losing hope until the announcement, but was now “rejoicing” at the news.
But he adds that he and others are still “suspicious” of the government’s plans. After all, Myitsone is just one of seven dams planned for the upper Irrawaddy. Will the others be stopped, too? If not, the Myitsone dam decision could yet turn out to be less significant than it seems. As on many other issues, the president still has some way to go to demonstrate that his proposed changes are for real.
The Economist - A change to believe in?
Mounting evidence that the new government in Yangon is serious about reform
Oct 8th 2011 | BANGKOK | from the print edition
THESE days, very few countries dare to offend China, however rich and powerful they may be. Yet that is exactly what one of the world’s poorest countries did on September 30th. The government of Myanmar said it was suspending the construction of an enormous $3.6 billion Chinese-backed dam on the River Irrawaddy in the north of the country.
It was an audacious decision. China is Myanmar’s closest strategic ally, nearest neighbour and biggest investor. Yet the Chinese, who had expected to receive almost all the hydroelectric power generated by the Myitsone dam, were not told in advance. Indeed, they were not even consulted. Lu Qizhou, the head of China Power Investment, which was the lead company on the dam, confessed afterwards that he had only learned of Myanmar’s decision through media reports and that he was “totally astonished”.
There could be no stronger signal that Myanmar’s new quasi-civilian government is determined to do things differently, and is willing to take risks in doing so. There had been strong opposition to the dam from environmentalists and local Kachin people (thousands of whom were being displaced to make way for it) as well as from Aung San Suu Kyi, the de facto leader of the opposition, and her supporters. The previous military government of Than Shwe, which started the project five years ago, would surely have ploughed on regardless.
But the new president, Thein Sein, who took over in March, said that he had decided that the dam was against the will of the people. The Chinese, apparently, will just have to lump it.
The move is particularly significant as it comes after a flurry of other conciliatory gestures that the government has been making towards opposition leaders over the past few months. Even sceptical and hard-nosed Western diplomats and analysts have been surprised by the pace of change. All in all, some observers feel that, for the first time in decades, Myanmar may at last be at a real point of transformation.
In August, Ms Suu Kyi, Nobel peace laureate and the leader of the banned opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), was invited to several meetings with government ministers, including an unprecedented one with the new president himself. Having herself been released from years of house arrest only in November 2010, she says that she is convinced that Thein Sein genuinely wants to move towards a more democratic system of government. The only question is how far he wants to go.
Other recent reforms also suggest that the government is moving in a new direction. Press censorship has been relaxed. Some previously blocked websites are now reachable and a few foreign journalists have been let in to the normally secretive country on official visas. At the end of September the government passed a law allowing the establishment of trade unions. The labour ministry consulted the International Labour Organisation (ILO) on the legislation to ensure that it was up to international standards. Allowing trade unions was a
“momentous policy decision” commented Steve Marshall, the ILO’s official in Myanmar.
Even more momentous would be a release of political prisoners, especially those NLD members incarcerated after their party won the 1990 election, the results of which the government did not recognise. Diplomats in Yangon confirm that a release of some or all of the prisoners is now under consideration, and could even be imminent.
The release of prisoners has been one of Ms Suu Kyi’s main demands before she agrees to help normalise politics in Myanmar. Such a release would completely transform the political landscape. It might even lead to talks about the NLD’s joining the political process. The party was banned in 2010 when it refused to participate in what it had denounced as flawed national elections.
A political “normalisation” would put pressure on America and the European Union to start relaxing sanctions against Myanmar. They were imposed in the mid-1990s as a punishment for the regime’s assault on the NLD and its other opponents. The Myanmar government desperately wants them lifted, aware of how impoverished the country has become compared with the rest of the region. The nation’s leaders also may want the West to come back in order to balance the influence of China, which has had virtually free rein to exploit Myanmar’s vast natural resources. This was probably a factor in the Myitsone dam decision. The Chinese may be useful, but they are not universally popular in Myanmar.
After decades of heavy-handed military repression, many are still cautious about the government’s true intentions, remembering that until recently Thein Sein and his ilk were still in uniform. A priest living near the site of the dam, who campaigned against it for years, says that he had been losing hope until the announcement, but was now “rejoicing” at the news.
But he adds that he and others are still “suspicious” of the government’s plans. After all, Myitsone is just one of seven dams planned for the upper Irrawaddy. Will the others be stopped, too? If not, the Myitsone dam decision could yet turn out to be less significant than it seems. As on many other issues, the president still has some way to go to demonstrate that his proposed changes are for real.
***********************************************************
The Irrawaddy - MSF Thailand Pullout Will Affect Health Care in Eastern Burma
By SIMON ROUGHNEEN Friday, October 7, 2011
BANGKOK – Médecins Sans Frontière's (MSF) decision to close its operation in Thailand will severely hamper medics who cross from Thailand into war-torn areas of Burma where
people have little or no access to medical treatment.
Denis Penoy, the organization's head in Thailand, told The Irrawaddy that MSF has a long history of working with mobile medical teams along the Thai-Burmese border, notably the Mon National Health Council based in Sangkhlaburi.
The Mon medics were supported by MSF to carry out anti-malarial work inside Mon State, which Nai Hong Sar, the head of the New Mon State Party (NSMP), described to The Irrawaddy as “very important for our people, as malaria was so much reduced, and otherwise it was hard to get medical treatment.”
Cross-border support was one component of MSF's larger health programme in Thailand, which helped migrants in the country. With an estimated 2-3 million Burmese migrant workers in Thailand, of which around half are thought to be working illegally and therefore unable to access Thai health services, the closure of the MSF facilities is a blow to many Burmese.
Penoy told The Irrawaddy that “our estimated catchment population for clinics is around 55,000 people.” In addition to Sangkhlaburi, MSF ran clinics in Samut Sakhorn, a fishing port west of Bangkok and home to tens of thousands of Burmese migrants.
Nai Hong Sar added that the MSF clinic in Sangkhlaburi was vital to many Burmese migrants living on the Thai side of the border. “These are people who have not got the money to go to hospital and many are afraid to go to official medical facilities,” he said.
For the past 18 months, MSF has been negotiating with local health authorities to try to reopen the clinics. “When we could not get agreement at local level, we tried central health authorities,” says Penoy. “But after 18 months of talking, we concluded that we could no longer operate.”
Penoy says that MSF was permitted to continue with health education work, which he says is needed, “but for Burmese migrants with health problems, education is secondary to immediate needs.”
For over three decades MSF had worked in Thailand—a country long seen as a safe haven for refugees and other vulnerable people from neighbouring countries in Southeast Asia. MSF first began operations in Thailand helping Cambodians who had fled the Khmer Rouge regime, which took power in Phnom Penh in 1975.
On Wednesday Oct. 5, Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra visited Burma, meeting with President Thein Sein. In a statement issued since the visit, the Thai premier revealed that she had urged the Burmese government to re-open the bridge linking Thailand's Mae Sot to Myawaddy on the Burmese side.
The bridge has been closed by the Burmese authorities since mid 2010, widely-believed to be an attempt to pressure Thailand to restrict ethnic opposition groups based in or near Mae Sot and elsewhere along the border.
The closure has impeded Thai businesses that export overland into Burma, and has made life difficult for Burmese migrants crossing into Thailand.
In her statement released Friday, Oct. 7, Yingluck said that she “admired the democratic process in Myanmar,” adding that “Thailand would not allow anti-Myanmar government groups to use Thailand as their base to fight the Myanmar government.”
The previous Democrat Party-led Thai government, along with local officials in border provinces, made a number of statements about repatriating Burmese dissidents and refugees. The Burmese government has long regarded refugee populations in Thailand as synonymous with ethnic opposition groups.
The area inside Mon State around Three Pagodas Pass has seen intermittent fighting in the months since Burma's November parliamentary election, with thousands of refugees fleeing temporarily to Thailand.
Asked whether he thought there was any link between Thai government promises to restrict Burma's ethnic opposition groups and the difficulties faced by MSF in Thailand, Nai Hong Sar lamented, “maybe, maybe.”
However, Mahn Mahn, head of the Backpack Health Workers Team, another group of mobile medics that crosses the border into Burma to deliver health care to Burmese in conflict zones, said that his organization, which is based in Tak Province, close to the Mae Sot-Myawaddy bridge, “has a good understanding with the local authorities,” and continues to work inside Burma.}
By SIMON ROUGHNEEN Friday, October 7, 2011
BANGKOK – Médecins Sans Frontière's (MSF) decision to close its operation in Thailand will severely hamper medics who cross from Thailand into war-torn areas of Burma where
people have little or no access to medical treatment.
Denis Penoy, the organization's head in Thailand, told The Irrawaddy that MSF has a long history of working with mobile medical teams along the Thai-Burmese border, notably the Mon National Health Council based in Sangkhlaburi.
The Mon medics were supported by MSF to carry out anti-malarial work inside Mon State, which Nai Hong Sar, the head of the New Mon State Party (NSMP), described to The Irrawaddy as “very important for our people, as malaria was so much reduced, and otherwise it was hard to get medical treatment.”
Cross-border support was one component of MSF's larger health programme in Thailand, which helped migrants in the country. With an estimated 2-3 million Burmese migrant workers in Thailand, of which around half are thought to be working illegally and therefore unable to access Thai health services, the closure of the MSF facilities is a blow to many Burmese.
Penoy told The Irrawaddy that “our estimated catchment population for clinics is around 55,000 people.” In addition to Sangkhlaburi, MSF ran clinics in Samut Sakhorn, a fishing port west of Bangkok and home to tens of thousands of Burmese migrants.
Nai Hong Sar added that the MSF clinic in Sangkhlaburi was vital to many Burmese migrants living on the Thai side of the border. “These are people who have not got the money to go to hospital and many are afraid to go to official medical facilities,” he said.
For the past 18 months, MSF has been negotiating with local health authorities to try to reopen the clinics. “When we could not get agreement at local level, we tried central health authorities,” says Penoy. “But after 18 months of talking, we concluded that we could no longer operate.”
Penoy says that MSF was permitted to continue with health education work, which he says is needed, “but for Burmese migrants with health problems, education is secondary to immediate needs.”
For over three decades MSF had worked in Thailand—a country long seen as a safe haven for refugees and other vulnerable people from neighbouring countries in Southeast Asia. MSF first began operations in Thailand helping Cambodians who had fled the Khmer Rouge regime, which took power in Phnom Penh in 1975.
On Wednesday Oct. 5, Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra visited Burma, meeting with President Thein Sein. In a statement issued since the visit, the Thai premier revealed that she had urged the Burmese government to re-open the bridge linking Thailand's Mae Sot to Myawaddy on the Burmese side.
The bridge has been closed by the Burmese authorities since mid 2010, widely-believed to be an attempt to pressure Thailand to restrict ethnic opposition groups based in or near Mae Sot and elsewhere along the border.
The closure has impeded Thai businesses that export overland into Burma, and has made life difficult for Burmese migrants crossing into Thailand.
In her statement released Friday, Oct. 7, Yingluck said that she “admired the democratic process in Myanmar,” adding that “Thailand would not allow anti-Myanmar government groups to use Thailand as their base to fight the Myanmar government.”
The previous Democrat Party-led Thai government, along with local officials in border provinces, made a number of statements about repatriating Burmese dissidents and refugees. The Burmese government has long regarded refugee populations in Thailand as synonymous with ethnic opposition groups.
The area inside Mon State around Three Pagodas Pass has seen intermittent fighting in the months since Burma's November parliamentary election, with thousands of refugees fleeing temporarily to Thailand.
Asked whether he thought there was any link between Thai government promises to restrict Burma's ethnic opposition groups and the difficulties faced by MSF in Thailand, Nai Hong Sar lamented, “maybe, maybe.”
However, Mahn Mahn, head of the Backpack Health Workers Team, another group of mobile medics that crosses the border into Burma to deliver health care to Burmese in conflict zones, said that his organization, which is based in Tak Province, close to the Mae Sot-Myawaddy bridge, “has a good understanding with the local authorities,” and continues to work inside Burma.}
***********************************************************
The Irrawaddy - No Progress in Talks Between NMSP, Mon Govt
By LAWI WENG Friday, October 7, 2011
Delegations representing the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and the Mon State government met in Ye Township on Thursday, but failed to make any progress in efforts to avert a return to hostilities, according to NMSP sources.
Nai Hong Sar Pon Khaing, a spokesperson for the NMSP, told The Irrawaddy on Friday that three leaders from the group—Nai Tala Nyi, Nai Baya Lai and Lt-Col Nai Hong Sar of the NMSP's armed wing, the Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA)—met a delegation led by Col Htay Myint Aung, the Mon State minister for security and border affairs, at a military base in Ye.
The spokesperson said that he could not provide any further details, but Nai Shwe Thein, an executive committee member of the NMSP, said the meeting was held in accordance with the group's policy of insisting that any formal talks must include other members of the United Nationalities Federation Council (UNFC), an umbrella group of ethnic militias, and must be held directly with Naypyidaw.
“Our delegation called for a nationwide ceasefire and political talks with the UNFC. Their delegation said it would will convey this message to Naypyidaw,” said NMSP Secretary Nai Hang Thar, adding that the meeting did not focus on his party.
Last month, Ohn Myint, the chief minister of Mon State, proposed to Naypyidaw to form a peace mission consisting of members of his cabinet, but the idea was rejected because the delegation was to be led by the Mon State minister of electric power and industry, Nai Lawi Oung, who is also a former NMSP central committee member.
“We heard that Naypyidaw turned down the Mon State government's peace mission proposal,” said Nai Kao Rot, a former deputy army chief who currently serves as a military adviser to the MNLA.
NMSP party leaders said that they would continue to support the UNFC's calls for inclusive talks directly with Naypyidaw, which wants one-on-one talks mediated by state governments.
This week's meeting was the first between the NMSP, which reached a ceasefire agreement with Burma's then military junta in 1995, and a government delegation since a new quasi-civilian administration assumed power in Naypyidaw in March.
The Burmese government has recently reached an agreement with two other ceasefire groups, the United Wa State Army and its ally, the National Democratic Alliance Army, in Shan State, aimed at avoiding the breakdown of a two-decade-old ceasefire agreement.
By LAWI WENG Friday, October 7, 2011
Delegations representing the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and the Mon State government met in Ye Township on Thursday, but failed to make any progress in efforts to avert a return to hostilities, according to NMSP sources.
Nai Hong Sar Pon Khaing, a spokesperson for the NMSP, told The Irrawaddy on Friday that three leaders from the group—Nai Tala Nyi, Nai Baya Lai and Lt-Col Nai Hong Sar of the NMSP's armed wing, the Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA)—met a delegation led by Col Htay Myint Aung, the Mon State minister for security and border affairs, at a military base in Ye.
The spokesperson said that he could not provide any further details, but Nai Shwe Thein, an executive committee member of the NMSP, said the meeting was held in accordance with the group's policy of insisting that any formal talks must include other members of the United Nationalities Federation Council (UNFC), an umbrella group of ethnic militias, and must be held directly with Naypyidaw.
“Our delegation called for a nationwide ceasefire and political talks with the UNFC. Their delegation said it would will convey this message to Naypyidaw,” said NMSP Secretary Nai Hang Thar, adding that the meeting did not focus on his party.
Last month, Ohn Myint, the chief minister of Mon State, proposed to Naypyidaw to form a peace mission consisting of members of his cabinet, but the idea was rejected because the delegation was to be led by the Mon State minister of electric power and industry, Nai Lawi Oung, who is also a former NMSP central committee member.
“We heard that Naypyidaw turned down the Mon State government's peace mission proposal,” said Nai Kao Rot, a former deputy army chief who currently serves as a military adviser to the MNLA.
NMSP party leaders said that they would continue to support the UNFC's calls for inclusive talks directly with Naypyidaw, which wants one-on-one talks mediated by state governments.
This week's meeting was the first between the NMSP, which reached a ceasefire agreement with Burma's then military junta in 1995, and a government delegation since a new quasi-civilian administration assumed power in Naypyidaw in March.
The Burmese government has recently reached an agreement with two other ceasefire groups, the United Wa State Army and its ally, the National Democratic Alliance Army, in Shan State, aimed at avoiding the breakdown of a two-decade-old ceasefire agreement.
***********************************************************
The Irrawaddy - Kachin Women’s Group Issues Report Detailing Human Rights Violations
By KO HTWE Friday, October 7, 2011
A Kachin human rights group has accused Burma’s regime of displacing over 25,000 villagers and deliberately targeting civilians in killings, torture and sexual violence during the past four months of fighting with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in Kachin State and northern Shan State.
“Burma’s Covered Up War: Atrocities Against the Kachin People,” a 20-page report issued by the Kachin Women’s Association of Thailand (KWAT) on Friday, claimed that displaced villagers sheltered in makeshift camps along the Burma-China border are facing severe shortages of food and medicine because the regime has blocked agencies working officially inside Burma from assisting them.
“Thousands of villagers from Kutkai who have been displaced in recent weeks, but denied refuge in China and are unable to access camps in KIA-controlled areas of Kachin State, have dispersed to towns, other villages and jungle hiding sites,” KWAT said in a press release on Friday.
“It is a long-term political problem. China has many interests in Burma so they are reluctant to accept refugees,” said Shirley Seng, a spokesperson for KWAT, at the organization’s press conference on Friday.
KWAT alleged that government troops have raped 37 women and girls between the ages of nine and 50 during the conflict, 13 of whom were killed.
“Our documentation team was deeply shocked at the details of these crimes. Some women were gang-raped in front of their families. In one case, soldiers slaughtered a woman’s grandchild in front of her before raping and killing her also,” said Seng.
“We cannot show who the victims are because we cannot guarantee their safety if we do, but we have evidence,” said Seng in response to a reporter’s question.
In addition, the KWAT report provided details regarding the number and location of other human rights violations committed by Burmese troops, including: torture and ill treatment; forced labor and portering; forced relocation; land mine injuries; and disappearance of local residents.
However, The Irrawaddy cannot independently verify any of these cases, and the Burmese government has not yet responded to the allegations.
The researchers who collected the data were trained by KWAT in human rights principles and standards for documentation and reporting, according to the KWAT report.
According to Hkawng Seng Pan, who also spoke at the KWAT press conference, the Burmese army has deployed nearly 13 battalions among the Kachin population of nearly 2 million.
Women's rights groups have long accused Burmese government soldiers of using systematic rape against ethnic women as a weapon and strategy to terrorize the ethnic population.
In 1994, the Kachin Independence Organization, the KIA’s political wing, signed a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese junta. However, tension between government troops and the KIA increased following the KIA’s refusal to join the government’s Border Guard Force.
In June 2011, clashes between the KIA and government troops broke out and fighting has continued since that time, with local residents often caught up in the conflict.
KWAT has urged the international community to abandon its “wait and see” policy with respect to Burma, bring increased pressure on the regime to end its military offensives and atrocities and provide urgently needed humanitarian assistance to the displaced Kachin.
“’Wait and see’ is a death sentence for us,” said Shirley Seng.
Since 1997, the Burmese regime has destroyed more than 3,000 villages and displaced over half-a-million civilians in eastern Burma, according to the Thailand Burma Border Consortium, an umbrella organization responsible for the distribution of aid at the Thai-Burmese border.
By KO HTWE Friday, October 7, 2011
A Kachin human rights group has accused Burma’s regime of displacing over 25,000 villagers and deliberately targeting civilians in killings, torture and sexual violence during the past four months of fighting with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in Kachin State and northern Shan State.
“Burma’s Covered Up War: Atrocities Against the Kachin People,” a 20-page report issued by the Kachin Women’s Association of Thailand (KWAT) on Friday, claimed that displaced villagers sheltered in makeshift camps along the Burma-China border are facing severe shortages of food and medicine because the regime has blocked agencies working officially inside Burma from assisting them.
“Thousands of villagers from Kutkai who have been displaced in recent weeks, but denied refuge in China and are unable to access camps in KIA-controlled areas of Kachin State, have dispersed to towns, other villages and jungle hiding sites,” KWAT said in a press release on Friday.
“It is a long-term political problem. China has many interests in Burma so they are reluctant to accept refugees,” said Shirley Seng, a spokesperson for KWAT, at the organization’s press conference on Friday.
KWAT alleged that government troops have raped 37 women and girls between the ages of nine and 50 during the conflict, 13 of whom were killed.
“Our documentation team was deeply shocked at the details of these crimes. Some women were gang-raped in front of their families. In one case, soldiers slaughtered a woman’s grandchild in front of her before raping and killing her also,” said Seng.
“We cannot show who the victims are because we cannot guarantee their safety if we do, but we have evidence,” said Seng in response to a reporter’s question.
In addition, the KWAT report provided details regarding the number and location of other human rights violations committed by Burmese troops, including: torture and ill treatment; forced labor and portering; forced relocation; land mine injuries; and disappearance of local residents.
However, The Irrawaddy cannot independently verify any of these cases, and the Burmese government has not yet responded to the allegations.
The researchers who collected the data were trained by KWAT in human rights principles and standards for documentation and reporting, according to the KWAT report.
According to Hkawng Seng Pan, who also spoke at the KWAT press conference, the Burmese army has deployed nearly 13 battalions among the Kachin population of nearly 2 million.
Women's rights groups have long accused Burmese government soldiers of using systematic rape against ethnic women as a weapon and strategy to terrorize the ethnic population.
In 1994, the Kachin Independence Organization, the KIA’s political wing, signed a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese junta. However, tension between government troops and the KIA increased following the KIA’s refusal to join the government’s Border Guard Force.
In June 2011, clashes between the KIA and government troops broke out and fighting has continued since that time, with local residents often caught up in the conflict.
KWAT has urged the international community to abandon its “wait and see” policy with respect to Burma, bring increased pressure on the regime to end its military offensives and atrocities and provide urgently needed humanitarian assistance to the displaced Kachin.
“’Wait and see’ is a death sentence for us,” said Shirley Seng.
Since 1997, the Burmese regime has destroyed more than 3,000 villages and displaced over half-a-million civilians in eastern Burma, according to the Thailand Burma Border Consortium, an umbrella organization responsible for the distribution of aid at the Thai-Burmese border.
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Burmese rice production to fall due to untimely rain
Friday, 07 October 2011 21:42 Kyaw Kha
Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – Heavy rain has damaged rice production in four Burmese states and regions including major rice production centers. Rice production this year could fall by 1.7 million tons, says Myanmar Rice Producers’ Association chairman Sein Win Hlaing.
Due to flooding this monsoon season, many rice fields in Irrawaddy, Bago, Mon and Rakhine states and regions were damaged, which could cause a 10 per cent drop from normal production of 17 million tons in these areas, he estimated.
“Damage to rice crops is normal and routine every year, but this year the climate change is so severe and many acres of rice fields were flooded and damaged so rice production this year will fall,” Sein Win Hlaing told Mizzima.
Record high rainfall since mid-July has caused severe damage to rice production in the country. He said that while the export of rice would fall this year, there would be sufficient supplies for domestic consumption.
“We will emphasize sufficiency of domestic consumption and only after that will we consider rice exports,” Sein Win Hlaing said.
Annual domestic consumption in Burma is about 15 million tons; the export figure for 2010 was 800,000 tons. The export volume of rice in 2011 from April to September was 350,000 tons.
Farmers will be urged to grow more crops of rice and also authorities will provide practical agricultural education programs and supplies of farm implements and machinery to aid farmers, he said.
“Previously, the farmers dried the paddy on roads and on the ground,” he said. “Now we will provide them with drying machinery and other post-harvest technology as our priority. We will provide them machinery for harvesting and post-harvest processes.”
Rice acreage in Burma is 20.43 million acres of which monsoon paddy acreage is around 17.27 million acres; summer paddy acreage is 3.16 million acres, according to the Myanmar Rice Producers’ Association.
Friday, 07 October 2011 21:42 Kyaw Kha
Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – Heavy rain has damaged rice production in four Burmese states and regions including major rice production centers. Rice production this year could fall by 1.7 million tons, says Myanmar Rice Producers’ Association chairman Sein Win Hlaing.
Due to flooding this monsoon season, many rice fields in Irrawaddy, Bago, Mon and Rakhine states and regions were damaged, which could cause a 10 per cent drop from normal production of 17 million tons in these areas, he estimated.
“Damage to rice crops is normal and routine every year, but this year the climate change is so severe and many acres of rice fields were flooded and damaged so rice production this year will fall,” Sein Win Hlaing told Mizzima.
Record high rainfall since mid-July has caused severe damage to rice production in the country. He said that while the export of rice would fall this year, there would be sufficient supplies for domestic consumption.
“We will emphasize sufficiency of domestic consumption and only after that will we consider rice exports,” Sein Win Hlaing said.
Annual domestic consumption in Burma is about 15 million tons; the export figure for 2010 was 800,000 tons. The export volume of rice in 2011 from April to September was 350,000 tons.
Farmers will be urged to grow more crops of rice and also authorities will provide practical agricultural education programs and supplies of farm implements and machinery to aid farmers, he said.
“Previously, the farmers dried the paddy on roads and on the ground,” he said. “Now we will provide them with drying machinery and other post-harvest technology as our priority. We will provide them machinery for harvesting and post-harvest processes.”
Rice acreage in Burma is 20.43 million acres of which monsoon paddy acreage is around 17.27 million acres; summer paddy acreage is 3.16 million acres, according to the Myanmar Rice Producers’ Association.
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Authorities of Dawei deep seaport threaten land owners to sell at low price
Friday, 07 October 2011 16:02 Kyaw Kha
Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – During the confiscation of more than 120 acres of plantations to build the administrative office of the Dawei (Tavoy) deep seaport, authorities threatened the landowners, according to plantation owners.
The plantation owners were forced to sign agreements for the confiscation of 123 acres of plantations located in the designated zone for the Dawei deep seaport project, part of the Dawei Development Project being carried out by the Italian-Thai Development Company based in Thailand.
According to sources, Khin Maung Swe, the official in charge of the Dawei project, said, “If you don’t agree, your plantations will be confiscated without any compensation.” The plantations are located in Mindat village in Yebyu Township in Tenasserim Division.
“We were forced to sign an agreement that said the buying and selling of land was on our own volition. Khin Maung Swe told people who refused to sign that their land would be confiscated whether they signed it or not. Owners did not want to sign the agreement, but they signed it because they didn’t want to loose their land without some compensation,” an owner who signed the agreement told Mizzima.
In September, the Mindat village administrative office made a list of the land and the owners and told owners that authorities would buy the plantations. On October 3, Khin Maung Swe accompanied by the Yebyu Township administrative office chief and surveying staff came to the village to make a final list of land and owners.
The rubber and cashew plantations are located east of Mindat village, about four furlongs form Yebyu. According to owners, there are about 220 rubber trees, and the average income per year earned from a rubber tree is about 14,400 kyat (about US$ 17).
Some owners asked for compensation of 2.5 million kyat per acre of land, but accepted lower prices to avoid loss of their land without any compensation. The amount of the compensation was tens of millions of kyat less than the current price of the land, sources said.
“I was afraid that my plantation and inheritance would be taken at a very low price. But, it’s better than losing my land without compensation. I signed the agreement at their price. The notice letter did not say who or which department issued the order,” a villager said.
The Burmese government and the Italian-Thai Company have announced that the project would start in 2012, and be completed within three years. Sources said residents in more than 20 villages in the area are concerned compensation and forced relocation.
On September 19, the Burmese Parliament approved a Farmland Bill, which stated that if the government wants to confiscate land, the authorities must conduct a land survey, following which land may be confiscated by presidential order.
Mizzima reported in November 2010 that the government and Italian-Thai Development signed a contract worth US$ 8 billion.
The project on Burma’s east coast would include a deep-sea port with shipbuilding and maintenance facilities, a petrochemical industrial estate with an oil refining and gas-separation plant, and other medium and light industries such as automobile and garment factories, according to reports.
The deal is the largest single foreign investment development project in Burma. It came as Burmese state media also announced that Burma’s first Special Economic Zone (SEZ) would be established on a 100,000-acre (40,000-hectare) plot around Tavoy.
The second and third phases would incorporate the construction of the deep-sea port and industrial estate. With completion of the port, goods bound for Thailand, China, Vietnam and Laos would be able to cut an average of 10 days off transport, as cargo will no longer be required to pass through the Strait of Malacca.
As with other industrial development projects in Burma, locals may well be forced to pay a price for the project’s realization, with land confiscation a distinct possibility.
Friday, 07 October 2011 16:02 Kyaw Kha
Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – During the confiscation of more than 120 acres of plantations to build the administrative office of the Dawei (Tavoy) deep seaport, authorities threatened the landowners, according to plantation owners.
The plantation owners were forced to sign agreements for the confiscation of 123 acres of plantations located in the designated zone for the Dawei deep seaport project, part of the Dawei Development Project being carried out by the Italian-Thai Development Company based in Thailand.
According to sources, Khin Maung Swe, the official in charge of the Dawei project, said, “If you don’t agree, your plantations will be confiscated without any compensation.” The plantations are located in Mindat village in Yebyu Township in Tenasserim Division.
“We were forced to sign an agreement that said the buying and selling of land was on our own volition. Khin Maung Swe told people who refused to sign that their land would be confiscated whether they signed it or not. Owners did not want to sign the agreement, but they signed it because they didn’t want to loose their land without some compensation,” an owner who signed the agreement told Mizzima.
In September, the Mindat village administrative office made a list of the land and the owners and told owners that authorities would buy the plantations. On October 3, Khin Maung Swe accompanied by the Yebyu Township administrative office chief and surveying staff came to the village to make a final list of land and owners.
The rubber and cashew plantations are located east of Mindat village, about four furlongs form Yebyu. According to owners, there are about 220 rubber trees, and the average income per year earned from a rubber tree is about 14,400 kyat (about US$ 17).
Some owners asked for compensation of 2.5 million kyat per acre of land, but accepted lower prices to avoid loss of their land without any compensation. The amount of the compensation was tens of millions of kyat less than the current price of the land, sources said.
“I was afraid that my plantation and inheritance would be taken at a very low price. But, it’s better than losing my land without compensation. I signed the agreement at their price. The notice letter did not say who or which department issued the order,” a villager said.
The Burmese government and the Italian-Thai Company have announced that the project would start in 2012, and be completed within three years. Sources said residents in more than 20 villages in the area are concerned compensation and forced relocation.
On September 19, the Burmese Parliament approved a Farmland Bill, which stated that if the government wants to confiscate land, the authorities must conduct a land survey, following which land may be confiscated by presidential order.
Mizzima reported in November 2010 that the government and Italian-Thai Development signed a contract worth US$ 8 billion.
The project on Burma’s east coast would include a deep-sea port with shipbuilding and maintenance facilities, a petrochemical industrial estate with an oil refining and gas-separation plant, and other medium and light industries such as automobile and garment factories, according to reports.
The deal is the largest single foreign investment development project in Burma. It came as Burmese state media also announced that Burma’s first Special Economic Zone (SEZ) would be established on a 100,000-acre (40,000-hectare) plot around Tavoy.
The second and third phases would incorporate the construction of the deep-sea port and industrial estate. With completion of the port, goods bound for Thailand, China, Vietnam and Laos would be able to cut an average of 10 days off transport, as cargo will no longer be required to pass through the Strait of Malacca.
As with other industrial development projects in Burma, locals may well be forced to pay a price for the project’s realization, with land confiscation a distinct possibility.
***********************************************************
Burmese journalists covering Parliament are focus of inquires
Friday, 07 October 2011 13:27 Min Thet and Tun Tun
Rangoon (Mizzima) – Burmese authorities are seeking more information about some journalists who are covering Parliament, according to sources close to the journalists.
Police seeking information about the journalists have questioned their employers and their families to obtain additional information on their background and credentials. At least three Burmese journalists have been the focus of inquires.
Recently, the authorities allowed Burmese journalists and some foreign journalists to cover the parliamentary sessions in Naypyitaw, including the Voice of America and the British Broadcasting Service.
Referring to one of the journalists under scrutiny, a source told Mizzima: “The authorities went to his home in Rangoon and they talked with his family. He said he didn’t ask his family what they talked about because he didn’t want them to worry, and he pretended it wasn’t important.”
Inquires have been conducted since early October. The reason for the inquiries was not clear. Journalists who are the subjects of the inquires are afraid to talk about it, said the source.
Journalists have to obtain a permit from the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division (PSRD) to gather news in Parliament and are required to provide biographical information and who they work for. At least 35 journalists have submitted their profiles to the PSRD under the Information Ministry, according to a source close to the PSRD.
A journalist familiar with the inquires told Mizzima: “I have frequently gone to visit Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and an officer asked just one question of my family, who lives in a rural area. My family told them I was a reporter, and then the officer said, “Is he?” and left the house. When my family asked him where he was from, he said that he was from the Information Police force.”
The journalists’ profiles submitted to the PSRD are filed in a “secret category,” the source said. The profiles contain the schools the journalist attended, information about the journalist’s parents, the parents’ jobs or businesses, the names of close relatives of the journalist’s wife or husband and other information.
A female journalist said, “I don’t know exactly why they’re asking these questions. I’m not living in a rural area so the inquires are worse for me.”
Early this year, Burma inaugurated a new government, but international media groups say its reform rhetoric continues to be contradicted by heavy censorship, according to a new report by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) released in September.
The New York-based CPJ said banned topics are still wide spread and that, to date, the new government has not acted to abolish or amend its “highly arbitrary laws” that restrict press freedom and punish deviation from official dictates.
The report noted that since elections in November 2010, two journalists have been sentenced to prison terms of almost 20 years, and more than a dozen publications have been suspended for their news reporting.
“The government’s promise of reform is welcome, yet censorship in Burma remains arbitrary, intensive, and highly restrictive,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative and the author of the report.
Crispin said that in discussions with Burmese media organizations it was clear that freedom of the press has yet to come to Burma, despite the rhetoric of President Thein Sein’s government.
The CPJ said that the veneer of press freedom evident in the proliferation of privately owned and operated news publications is shattered by the fact that the newspapers are heavily censored and regularly forced to publish state-prepared news and commentary presenting government policies in a glowing light.
“Uncensored reporting from within Burma is crucial for assessing whether the government’s promise of democratic reform is rhetoric or reality,” Crispin said. “Until new freedoms take hold, exile media continues to serve as a vital source of credible, independent information on developments within Burma and should not be abandoned by donor countries.”
Naypyitaw’s recent informal call for exiled dissidents to return to Burma was met with great skepticism by journalists interviewed by CPJ, precisely due to the lack of reforms.
Nearly all of the Burma-based reporters and editors interviewed for the CPJ report are said to have requested anonymity due to fears of possible reprisal if their names appeared in a report critical of the government.
In early September, Burmese Information and Culture Minister Kyaw Hsan told the Lower House of Parliament censorship of Burmese media is still needed and freedom should not be granted to newspapers and journals at this time.
An article in Mizzima in July, reported that Burmese censorship rules are now divided into two categories of newspapers and magazines: Group 1 includes 178 publications focusing on sports, health, arts, children’s literature, and technology, which don’t need to pass articles through censors prior to publication, but must submit copies to censors after publication. Group 2 includes news and public affairs journals, which must pass all articles through censors prior to publication.
Friday, 07 October 2011 13:27 Min Thet and Tun Tun
Rangoon (Mizzima) – Burmese authorities are seeking more information about some journalists who are covering Parliament, according to sources close to the journalists.
Police seeking information about the journalists have questioned their employers and their families to obtain additional information on their background and credentials. At least three Burmese journalists have been the focus of inquires.
Recently, the authorities allowed Burmese journalists and some foreign journalists to cover the parliamentary sessions in Naypyitaw, including the Voice of America and the British Broadcasting Service.
Referring to one of the journalists under scrutiny, a source told Mizzima: “The authorities went to his home in Rangoon and they talked with his family. He said he didn’t ask his family what they talked about because he didn’t want them to worry, and he pretended it wasn’t important.”
Inquires have been conducted since early October. The reason for the inquiries was not clear. Journalists who are the subjects of the inquires are afraid to talk about it, said the source.
Journalists have to obtain a permit from the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division (PSRD) to gather news in Parliament and are required to provide biographical information and who they work for. At least 35 journalists have submitted their profiles to the PSRD under the Information Ministry, according to a source close to the PSRD.
A journalist familiar with the inquires told Mizzima: “I have frequently gone to visit Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and an officer asked just one question of my family, who lives in a rural area. My family told them I was a reporter, and then the officer said, “Is he?” and left the house. When my family asked him where he was from, he said that he was from the Information Police force.”
The journalists’ profiles submitted to the PSRD are filed in a “secret category,” the source said. The profiles contain the schools the journalist attended, information about the journalist’s parents, the parents’ jobs or businesses, the names of close relatives of the journalist’s wife or husband and other information.
A female journalist said, “I don’t know exactly why they’re asking these questions. I’m not living in a rural area so the inquires are worse for me.”
Early this year, Burma inaugurated a new government, but international media groups say its reform rhetoric continues to be contradicted by heavy censorship, according to a new report by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) released in September.
The New York-based CPJ said banned topics are still wide spread and that, to date, the new government has not acted to abolish or amend its “highly arbitrary laws” that restrict press freedom and punish deviation from official dictates.
The report noted that since elections in November 2010, two journalists have been sentenced to prison terms of almost 20 years, and more than a dozen publications have been suspended for their news reporting.
“The government’s promise of reform is welcome, yet censorship in Burma remains arbitrary, intensive, and highly restrictive,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative and the author of the report.
Crispin said that in discussions with Burmese media organizations it was clear that freedom of the press has yet to come to Burma, despite the rhetoric of President Thein Sein’s government.
The CPJ said that the veneer of press freedom evident in the proliferation of privately owned and operated news publications is shattered by the fact that the newspapers are heavily censored and regularly forced to publish state-prepared news and commentary presenting government policies in a glowing light.
“Uncensored reporting from within Burma is crucial for assessing whether the government’s promise of democratic reform is rhetoric or reality,” Crispin said. “Until new freedoms take hold, exile media continues to serve as a vital source of credible, independent information on developments within Burma and should not be abandoned by donor countries.”
Naypyitaw’s recent informal call for exiled dissidents to return to Burma was met with great skepticism by journalists interviewed by CPJ, precisely due to the lack of reforms.
Nearly all of the Burma-based reporters and editors interviewed for the CPJ report are said to have requested anonymity due to fears of possible reprisal if their names appeared in a report critical of the government.
In early September, Burmese Information and Culture Minister Kyaw Hsan told the Lower House of Parliament censorship of Burmese media is still needed and freedom should not be granted to newspapers and journals at this time.
An article in Mizzima in July, reported that Burmese censorship rules are now divided into two categories of newspapers and magazines: Group 1 includes 178 publications focusing on sports, health, arts, children’s literature, and technology, which don’t need to pass articles through censors prior to publication, but must submit copies to censors after publication. Group 2 includes news and public affairs journals, which must pass all articles through censors prior to publication.
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DVB News - Burma VP to talk dam fiasco with China
By FRANCIS WADE
Published: 7 October 2011
Burma’s hawkish vice president will travel to Beijing before the end of the month to discuss Naypyidaw’s shock cancellation of a major dam project in northern Burma financed by China.
The suspension of the Myitsone dam has angered China, which appears not to have been consulted over the decision. Around 90 percent of the power would have gone to China, which provided the vast majority of the $US3.6 billion price tag on the project.
Now Tin Aung Myint Oo is being forced to explain the decision to officials in Beijing, and will travel to China shortly after President Thein Sein returns from a visit to India on 15 October, Reuters quoted a government official as saying. The official reason for the vice president’s trip is to attend the opening of a China-Asean Exposition.
The People’s Daily, the official newspaper of China’s ruling Communist Party, today carried an article responding to protestations against its energy projects in Burma.
“Looking at public opinion in Myanmar [Burma], as some non-government organisations do not trust the government and have been influenced by foreign media, very few present positive information regarding Chinese investors…”
It continued that assessments had been carried out prior to starting on the Myitsone dam, with experts finding the impact would be “rather small”. Environmental groups however point to the estimated 20,000 people likely to be displaced by the dam, as well as long-term damage to the ecosystem of the IrrawaddyRiver, to counter these claims.
Following the announcement a week ago that the dam would not go ahead, Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Hong Lei told Burma that it must “guarantee the lawful and legitimate rights and interests of Chinese companies”.
It marks a rare fissure in relations between the two countries: Burma relies on Beijing for political support and the billions of dollars in investment it pours into the country each year, while China sees its neighbour as a veritable goldmine of easily-exploitable natural resources.
Writing in the Jakarta Globe, journalist Bertil Lintner said that the decision may have been triggered by a disagreement within the upper echelons of Burma’s government over the extent to which China’s energy need were dictating the priorities of Naypyidaw.
This theory suggests that growing public disquiet over the dam was less a factor, despite Thein Sein’s reference to “respecting the will of the public” as the cause of the decision.
Although the strong relationship has major benefits for both countries, Burma’s rulers remain intensely nationalistic and wary of an over-dependence on the regional superpower.
Recent shifts in the political landscape in Burma also suggest the government is attempting to curry favour with critical western countries.
“From the Burmese regime’s point of view, improved relations with the West could be accomplished simply by playing up the Chinese threat, with the hope of diminishing Western criticism of the regime,” Lintner wrote.
In an interview with the New York Times yesterday, US envoy to Burma Derek Mitchell appeared to suggest that Washington was rethinking its punitive measures on Burma in light of recent changes, of which the Myitsone cancellation is being hailed as the most positive.
By FRANCIS WADE
Published: 7 October 2011
Burma’s hawkish vice president will travel to Beijing before the end of the month to discuss Naypyidaw’s shock cancellation of a major dam project in northern Burma financed by China.
The suspension of the Myitsone dam has angered China, which appears not to have been consulted over the decision. Around 90 percent of the power would have gone to China, which provided the vast majority of the $US3.6 billion price tag on the project.
Now Tin Aung Myint Oo is being forced to explain the decision to officials in Beijing, and will travel to China shortly after President Thein Sein returns from a visit to India on 15 October, Reuters quoted a government official as saying. The official reason for the vice president’s trip is to attend the opening of a China-Asean Exposition.
The People’s Daily, the official newspaper of China’s ruling Communist Party, today carried an article responding to protestations against its energy projects in Burma.
“Looking at public opinion in Myanmar [Burma], as some non-government organisations do not trust the government and have been influenced by foreign media, very few present positive information regarding Chinese investors…”
It continued that assessments had been carried out prior to starting on the Myitsone dam, with experts finding the impact would be “rather small”. Environmental groups however point to the estimated 20,000 people likely to be displaced by the dam, as well as long-term damage to the ecosystem of the IrrawaddyRiver, to counter these claims.
Following the announcement a week ago that the dam would not go ahead, Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Hong Lei told Burma that it must “guarantee the lawful and legitimate rights and interests of Chinese companies”.
It marks a rare fissure in relations between the two countries: Burma relies on Beijing for political support and the billions of dollars in investment it pours into the country each year, while China sees its neighbour as a veritable goldmine of easily-exploitable natural resources.
Writing in the Jakarta Globe, journalist Bertil Lintner said that the decision may have been triggered by a disagreement within the upper echelons of Burma’s government over the extent to which China’s energy need were dictating the priorities of Naypyidaw.
This theory suggests that growing public disquiet over the dam was less a factor, despite Thein Sein’s reference to “respecting the will of the public” as the cause of the decision.
Although the strong relationship has major benefits for both countries, Burma’s rulers remain intensely nationalistic and wary of an over-dependence on the regional superpower.
Recent shifts in the political landscape in Burma also suggest the government is attempting to curry favour with critical western countries.
“From the Burmese regime’s point of view, improved relations with the West could be accomplished simply by playing up the Chinese threat, with the hope of diminishing Western criticism of the regime,” Lintner wrote.
In an interview with the New York Times yesterday, US envoy to Burma Derek Mitchell appeared to suggest that Washington was rethinking its punitive measures on Burma in light of recent changes, of which the Myitsone cancellation is being hailed as the most positive.
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DVB News - Burma gas campaigners hit brick wall
By NAW NOREEN
Published: 7 October 2011
The Korean company behind a major pipeline project in Burma says it has completed drilling and production tests and will move to the next phase of development, despite continuing calls from campaigners that the project be shelved.
The Shwe pipeline venture is estimate to be worth $US30 billion for the Burmese government, but environmental and human rights groups claim it will come at great human and ecological cost.
Burmese are also angry that the country’s vast natural gas resources, largely located off its western coast, are being sold to China, despite a shortage of energy in the country.
But the country’s democracy movement scored a point recently after Naypyidaw halted work on a massive China-backed dam in the north following months of protest, spurring campaigners to demand it shelves other environmentally destructive projects.
“The [pipeline] project could destroy the future for people’s social life, businesses and their livelihood, so the [government] needs to listen to the people’s voice,” said Wong Aung, from the Shwe Gas Movement (SGM). “This is a Chinese project run by China and when it’s completed, all the resources and future business opportunities will be sold to China. So everyone should stand against it.”
But the likelihood of the pipeline venture also being stopped is slim: Daewoo, the lead construction company in the project, announced this week that it had begun infrastructure work following successful early testing.
Along with Hyundai Heavy Industries, Daewoo will develop seabed platforms and onshore terminals in Burma’s impoverished Arakan state, as well as the 2,600 kilometre pipeline that will run from the town of Kyaukphyu across Burma to China’s southern Yunnan province. The company is expected to net more than $US320 million in profit each year once the gas starts flowing.
In a statement this week, SGM said Burmese will see little of the capital made from the pipeline, which will provide for around six percent of China’s total oil and gas needs.
“The revenues will disappear into a fiscal black hole that omits gas revenues from the national budget, clearly to the benefit of the regime and investors.”
The main Chinese company involved, the state-owned China National Petroleum Corporation, has made various efforts at placating criticism of the project and offering sweeteners to its opponents, including a recent pledge that it will finance the construction of schools and hospitals along the pipeline route.
By NAW NOREEN
Published: 7 October 2011
The Korean company behind a major pipeline project in Burma says it has completed drilling and production tests and will move to the next phase of development, despite continuing calls from campaigners that the project be shelved.
The Shwe pipeline venture is estimate to be worth $US30 billion for the Burmese government, but environmental and human rights groups claim it will come at great human and ecological cost.
Burmese are also angry that the country’s vast natural gas resources, largely located off its western coast, are being sold to China, despite a shortage of energy in the country.
But the country’s democracy movement scored a point recently after Naypyidaw halted work on a massive China-backed dam in the north following months of protest, spurring campaigners to demand it shelves other environmentally destructive projects.
“The [pipeline] project could destroy the future for people’s social life, businesses and their livelihood, so the [government] needs to listen to the people’s voice,” said Wong Aung, from the Shwe Gas Movement (SGM). “This is a Chinese project run by China and when it’s completed, all the resources and future business opportunities will be sold to China. So everyone should stand against it.”
But the likelihood of the pipeline venture also being stopped is slim: Daewoo, the lead construction company in the project, announced this week that it had begun infrastructure work following successful early testing.
Along with Hyundai Heavy Industries, Daewoo will develop seabed platforms and onshore terminals in Burma’s impoverished Arakan state, as well as the 2,600 kilometre pipeline that will run from the town of Kyaukphyu across Burma to China’s southern Yunnan province. The company is expected to net more than $US320 million in profit each year once the gas starts flowing.
In a statement this week, SGM said Burmese will see little of the capital made from the pipeline, which will provide for around six percent of China’s total oil and gas needs.
“The revenues will disappear into a fiscal black hole that omits gas revenues from the national budget, clearly to the benefit of the regime and investors.”
The main Chinese company involved, the state-owned China National Petroleum Corporation, has made various efforts at placating criticism of the project and offering sweeteners to its opponents, including a recent pledge that it will finance the construction of schools and hospitals along the pipeline route.
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DVB News - Surveillance of journalists steps up
By SHWE AUNG
Published: 7 October 2011
Intelligence officials in Burma are reportedly building a catalogue of information on domestic journalists and foreign news correspondents, despite pledges that the country’s notoriously strict media environment is opening up.
Personnel from the Bureau of Special Investigations, a body under the home affairs ministry, went to the houses of local reporters as well as ward administrations on Wednesday, a magazine editor told DVB.
The exact purpose of the visits is not clear, but it is believed that officials were checking on the addresses of journalists and ascertaining their exact role.
In recent months the government has made several amendments to laws that have traditionally placed Burma at the tail-end of press freedom indexes, such as the recent lifting of a ban on accessing websites such as DVB and The Irrawaddy. These have caused a number of countries to speculate that the environment is beginning to open up.
Others, however, are less certain. “It’s not like we are allowed to go into a place just by showing our ID cards – it’s not as easy as getting into a cinema,” said Ko Ko, executive director of Yangon Time Media Group. “We have to be officially recognised and get approval beforehand, same with the foreign correspondents.
“We can’t send just anybody into the parliament to chase news but we have to submit the reporter’s personal details first and get approval. We would like to have some freedom when we gather news.”
The New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) said in a report last month that Burma’s media landscape remains heavily monitored and the environment for independent journalists is as risky as ever, despite pledges of reform.
In September, the 21-year-old DVB reporter Sithu Zeya, who is already serving an eight-year jail term, had his sentenced extended by a decade under the Electronics Act.
Ko Ko said however that restrictions on freedom of expression had relaxed somewhat, compared with the days when Burmese faced prison for perceived dissent.
“In the past, we couldn’t criticise the government over political aspects without getting into trouble, but now we are officially allowed to do so. Also, now we even have a ‘peaceful protest’ bill, and tailing reporters at a time like this will bring no positive outcome.”
By SHWE AUNG
Published: 7 October 2011
Intelligence officials in Burma are reportedly building a catalogue of information on domestic journalists and foreign news correspondents, despite pledges that the country’s notoriously strict media environment is opening up.
Personnel from the Bureau of Special Investigations, a body under the home affairs ministry, went to the houses of local reporters as well as ward administrations on Wednesday, a magazine editor told DVB.
The exact purpose of the visits is not clear, but it is believed that officials were checking on the addresses of journalists and ascertaining their exact role.
In recent months the government has made several amendments to laws that have traditionally placed Burma at the tail-end of press freedom indexes, such as the recent lifting of a ban on accessing websites such as DVB and The Irrawaddy. These have caused a number of countries to speculate that the environment is beginning to open up.
Others, however, are less certain. “It’s not like we are allowed to go into a place just by showing our ID cards – it’s not as easy as getting into a cinema,” said Ko Ko, executive director of Yangon Time Media Group. “We have to be officially recognised and get approval beforehand, same with the foreign correspondents.
“We can’t send just anybody into the parliament to chase news but we have to submit the reporter’s personal details first and get approval. We would like to have some freedom when we gather news.”
The New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) said in a report last month that Burma’s media landscape remains heavily monitored and the environment for independent journalists is as risky as ever, despite pledges of reform.
In September, the 21-year-old DVB reporter Sithu Zeya, who is already serving an eight-year jail term, had his sentenced extended by a decade under the Electronics Act.
Ko Ko said however that restrictions on freedom of expression had relaxed somewhat, compared with the days when Burmese faced prison for perceived dissent.
“In the past, we couldn’t criticise the government over political aspects without getting into trouble, but now we are officially allowed to do so. Also, now we even have a ‘peaceful protest’ bill, and tailing reporters at a time like this will bring no positive outcome.”
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