By Brian McCartan
Myanmar's first elections in 20 years were concluded quietly on Sunday, with widespread reports of low voter turnout. Rather than a popular celebration of a new democratic era, the tone across the country was decidedly subdued. Few surprises were expected - and that is how the generals wanted it.
It will probably be several days before official results are announced but for most observers the results are a foregone conclusion. By simple weight of numbers, it is expected that the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) won a majority of the 330 seats up for grabs in the People's Parliament and 168 in the Nationalities Parliament. This is on top of the 25% of seats that the law reserves for the military.
The USDP fielded 1,150 candidates for the national and regional parliaments. The National Unity Party, aligned with the government as the successor of former dictator General Ne Win's Burma Socialist Program Party, put forth 999 candidates. The third largest party, the pro-democratic opposition National Democratic Force, was able to muster a mere 163.
However, the USDP and the junta do not appear to have been content with their numerical advantage. In the days leading up to the election there were widespread reports from opposition parties and exiled media of threats, vote buying and other irregularities with the advanced voting system. Both USDP representatives and local government officials stand accused of forcing villagers to vote for the USDP. Much of this appears to have happened in rural ethnic areas.
Ethnic parties such as the Shan National Democratic Party (SNDP), the All Mon Region Democracy Party (AMRDP) and the Rakhine (Arakan) National Development Party (RNDP) all filed complaints with the junta-controlled election commission. No action appears to have been taken on their complaints and the AMRDP and RNDP said on Friday they would not recognize the election results if they were overwhelmingly skewed towards the USDP.
The government clearly aimed to avoid a repeat of the 1990 elections where large numbers of government employees and military personnel voted for the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD), which swept those polls only for the junta to annul the results. The advanced voting system in Sunday's polls appeared to allow the junta to tilt numbers in favor of the USDP.
The system was designed to allow government workers and security personnel on duty on the day of the elections to cast their votes early. Opposition parties and exile media groups such as The Irrawaddy and Mizzima reported that ballots were handed out early to not only officials and soldiers on duty, but to whole units and even their families, who were instructed to vote for the USDP.
According to reports, the irregularities continued through election day. Complaints have been filed by six parties with the election commission citing government officials forcing voters to cast their ballots for the USDP. Other accusations include tampering with voter registration lists, threatening of voters and pre-marked ballot sheets.
The Kachin News Group, an exile media organization focused on Kachin State, claims voter lists were tampered with in Myitkyina, the capital of the state. They allege that some lists included people who are not even in the country and left out others who were eligible, including members of the Kachin Independence Organization, their families and associates.
Vote, or else
Voter intimidation also appears to have been widespread, especially in the more rural constituencies in ethnic states. Opposition parties such as the Democratic Party and the SNDP allege voters were intimidated into voting for the USDP. USDP representatives were also accused of loitering around the polling booths. In some places, villagers who had never voted before were taught to vote specifically for the USDP prior to the election.
Widespread reports of voting irregularities are at odds with the pre-election statement of Union Election Commission chairman U Thein Soe, who assured that "since we have many experiences in election, we don't need experts on this issue". He made the statement in connection with the decision to ban foreign independent poll watchers and international media from covering the polls.
The generals offered to allow diplomats to visit only selected polling stations. European diplomats, citing the strict rules surrounding the proposed inspections, rejected the offer in a statement released on Friday. British ambassador Andrew Heyn had previously dismissed the visits as a "choreographed tour".
A lack of enthusiasm seems to have been the prevailing attitude among voters at most polling stations. This is in marked contrast to the excitement that surrounded the 1990 vote, which came in the wake of the military's crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators in 1988. The difference is that in 1990 the country's military rulers had provided a window for real change through a democratic election that was largely free and fair.
This time around, however, the election was rigged and a general air of resignation has set in with much of the population. Voter turnout in many places was estimated by exile media groups and independent sources in Yangon at between 45% and 60%, with empty polling places reported in some localities and long lines in others. It did not amount to the election boycott that activists from the now dissolved NLD had hoped to inspire, but neither was it the mass turnout that the junta had encouraged over state media.
The United States, one of the junta's chief critics, was decidedly unimpressed with the elections. President Barack Obama criticized the elections in Mumbai on Sunday, saying the elections would be "anything but free and fair". A statement released by US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said that the US was "deeply disappointed" and called the vote "a missed opportunity to begin genuine transition toward democratic governance and national reconciliation".
Clinton made it clear that unless the new government makes progress on respect for human rights, the release of political prisoners, including NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi, and dialogue towards national reconciliation, economic and financial sanctions would be maintained. While Clinton did not explicitly mention the proposed United Nations-led Commission of Inquiry into the junta's human rights abuses, she said the US will continue to work with the international community to "pursue accountability and bring an end to human-rights abuses".
Myanmar's military rulers have never shown much concern for international opinion and criticism over voting irregularities will have little effect on the election's final result. The generals now have what they have been seeking since the 1988 crackdown: a way to step aside from direct rule and allow a ‘civilian' government they control to take over. It seems doubtful, however, that the junta's abusive policies and practices will change any time soon.
Brian McCartan is a Bangkok-based freelance journalist. He may be reached at brianpm@comcast.net.
Source: http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/LK09Ae01.html
Myanmar's first elections in 20 years were concluded quietly on Sunday, with widespread reports of low voter turnout. Rather than a popular celebration of a new democratic era, the tone across the country was decidedly subdued. Few surprises were expected - and that is how the generals wanted it.
It will probably be several days before official results are announced but for most observers the results are a foregone conclusion. By simple weight of numbers, it is expected that the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) won a majority of the 330 seats up for grabs in the People's Parliament and 168 in the Nationalities Parliament. This is on top of the 25% of seats that the law reserves for the military.
The USDP fielded 1,150 candidates for the national and regional parliaments. The National Unity Party, aligned with the government as the successor of former dictator General Ne Win's Burma Socialist Program Party, put forth 999 candidates. The third largest party, the pro-democratic opposition National Democratic Force, was able to muster a mere 163.
However, the USDP and the junta do not appear to have been content with their numerical advantage. In the days leading up to the election there were widespread reports from opposition parties and exiled media of threats, vote buying and other irregularities with the advanced voting system. Both USDP representatives and local government officials stand accused of forcing villagers to vote for the USDP. Much of this appears to have happened in rural ethnic areas.
Ethnic parties such as the Shan National Democratic Party (SNDP), the All Mon Region Democracy Party (AMRDP) and the Rakhine (Arakan) National Development Party (RNDP) all filed complaints with the junta-controlled election commission. No action appears to have been taken on their complaints and the AMRDP and RNDP said on Friday they would not recognize the election results if they were overwhelmingly skewed towards the USDP.
The government clearly aimed to avoid a repeat of the 1990 elections where large numbers of government employees and military personnel voted for the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD), which swept those polls only for the junta to annul the results. The advanced voting system in Sunday's polls appeared to allow the junta to tilt numbers in favor of the USDP.
The system was designed to allow government workers and security personnel on duty on the day of the elections to cast their votes early. Opposition parties and exile media groups such as The Irrawaddy and Mizzima reported that ballots were handed out early to not only officials and soldiers on duty, but to whole units and even their families, who were instructed to vote for the USDP.
According to reports, the irregularities continued through election day. Complaints have been filed by six parties with the election commission citing government officials forcing voters to cast their ballots for the USDP. Other accusations include tampering with voter registration lists, threatening of voters and pre-marked ballot sheets.
The Kachin News Group, an exile media organization focused on Kachin State, claims voter lists were tampered with in Myitkyina, the capital of the state. They allege that some lists included people who are not even in the country and left out others who were eligible, including members of the Kachin Independence Organization, their families and associates.
Vote, or else
Voter intimidation also appears to have been widespread, especially in the more rural constituencies in ethnic states. Opposition parties such as the Democratic Party and the SNDP allege voters were intimidated into voting for the USDP. USDP representatives were also accused of loitering around the polling booths. In some places, villagers who had never voted before were taught to vote specifically for the USDP prior to the election.
Widespread reports of voting irregularities are at odds with the pre-election statement of Union Election Commission chairman U Thein Soe, who assured that "since we have many experiences in election, we don't need experts on this issue". He made the statement in connection with the decision to ban foreign independent poll watchers and international media from covering the polls.
The generals offered to allow diplomats to visit only selected polling stations. European diplomats, citing the strict rules surrounding the proposed inspections, rejected the offer in a statement released on Friday. British ambassador Andrew Heyn had previously dismissed the visits as a "choreographed tour".
A lack of enthusiasm seems to have been the prevailing attitude among voters at most polling stations. This is in marked contrast to the excitement that surrounded the 1990 vote, which came in the wake of the military's crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators in 1988. The difference is that in 1990 the country's military rulers had provided a window for real change through a democratic election that was largely free and fair.
This time around, however, the election was rigged and a general air of resignation has set in with much of the population. Voter turnout in many places was estimated by exile media groups and independent sources in Yangon at between 45% and 60%, with empty polling places reported in some localities and long lines in others. It did not amount to the election boycott that activists from the now dissolved NLD had hoped to inspire, but neither was it the mass turnout that the junta had encouraged over state media.
The United States, one of the junta's chief critics, was decidedly unimpressed with the elections. President Barack Obama criticized the elections in Mumbai on Sunday, saying the elections would be "anything but free and fair". A statement released by US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said that the US was "deeply disappointed" and called the vote "a missed opportunity to begin genuine transition toward democratic governance and national reconciliation".
Clinton made it clear that unless the new government makes progress on respect for human rights, the release of political prisoners, including NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi, and dialogue towards national reconciliation, economic and financial sanctions would be maintained. While Clinton did not explicitly mention the proposed United Nations-led Commission of Inquiry into the junta's human rights abuses, she said the US will continue to work with the international community to "pursue accountability and bring an end to human-rights abuses".
Myanmar's military rulers have never shown much concern for international opinion and criticism over voting irregularities will have little effect on the election's final result. The generals now have what they have been seeking since the 1988 crackdown: a way to step aside from direct rule and allow a ‘civilian' government they control to take over. It seems doubtful, however, that the junta's abusive policies and practices will change any time soon.
Brian McCartan is a Bangkok-based freelance journalist. He may be reached at brianpm@comcast.net.
Source: http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/LK09Ae01.html
Comments
Post a Comment